Category: education

Drugs, education, homelessness, human services, King County, LGBTQ+

This Week on PubliCola: June 20, 2026
KCRHA associate director William Towey

KCRHA says the county and city owe it $8 million, county councilmember plans to eliminate successful harm reduction program, and much more.

By Erica C. Barnett

Monday, June 15

Regional Homelessness Agency Says King County and Seattle Owe It $8 Million

In a comment that came as a surprise to many on the county council, King County Regional Homelessness Authority associate director William Towey said the city and county owe the KCRHA $8 million—the same $8 million an audit found the agency couldn’t account for and that may need to be “written off.” KCRHA CEO Kelly Kinnison couldn’t be at the meeting because she was on vacation.

Tuesday, June 16

County Human Services Director Calls Councilmember’s Contract Approval Proposal an “Overstep”

King County Councilmember Rod Dembowski has proposed a budget amendment that would require the county’s Department of Community and Human Services (DCHS) to submit a letter for county council review every time they execute or make any amendment to a contract in the Best Starts for Kids program, which was subject to an audit that found potential fraud and abuse in a subset of “high-risk” contracts. DCHS director Susan McLaughlin said the idea was a vast “overreach” that would not improve oversight.

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Wednesday, June 17

County Councilmember Dembowski Wants to Defund Successful Harm Reduction Program

In a separate amendment, Dembowski has proposed eliminating all funding for a county program that distributes safer smoking supplies to drug users. Opponents of harm reduction have targeted the program, which the county credits with more than quadrupling the number of people who come in to clinics where they can (and do) access other services, including case management, STI testing, and treatment.

Thursday, June 18

Right-Wing Activist Accused of Assaulting Security Guard While Trying to Force His Way Into Pro-LGBTQ Event

Jonathan Choe, a former KOMO reporter who now works for the Discovery Institute and Turning Point USA, showed up to the campaign kickoff for No Hate in WA State and tried to force his way inside, allegedly hitting a security guard in the back of the head, according to a police report. The campaign is working to combat two anti-LGBTQ+ statewide initiatives, including one that would ban trans kids from playing sports.

Friday, June 19

Here’s What Being a “Child Care Candidate” Actually Means

In an op-ed directed at all the candidates who say they support universal child care, SEIU 925 political and legislative director Erin Haick lays out a road map for what that means in practice—standing firm against additional cuts, paying child care workers like the professional educators they are, and right-sizing subsidies so they actually make it possible for people to pay for child care.

Also this week:

  • On Seattle Nice, we interviewed DCHS director Susan McLaughlin about how DCHS is addressing the findings of a damning audit that found potential waste and abuse in programs aimed at helping youth, among other topics—like the future of the King County Regional Homelessness Authority.
  • I went on KUOW’s Week In Review this week, where KUOW reporter Scott Greenstone, Republican former city attorney Ann Davison, host Bill Radke and I discussed the news of the week, including a report from a downtown business group that says downtown is struggling and it’s all the fault of taxes on big business (spoiler: It isn’t.)
  • ICYMI, I was also on Crystal Fincher’s Hacks and Wonks podcast last week, where we talked about the city’s data center moratorium, the latest light rail ridership numbers, ongoing challenges the CARE Team of unarmed first responders face, mostly from the Seattle Police Department, and more.

 

education, Guest Contributor, legislature

Here’s What Being a “Child Care Candidate” Actually Means
Photo by BBC Creative on Unsplash

By Erin Haick

Everyone loves child care, especially in an election year.  Candidates for the Legislature, City Council, and County Council are promising universal child care, because it’s a real problem that child care is so expensive for parents while providers make poverty wages. Child care is easy to love, but policy and funding fixes are much harder.

So the first question: Why is it so expensive? First, child care isn’t babysitting. High-quality early learning means credentialed educators, and enough of them to give a toddler a lot of one-on-one attention. It means warm, safe, nurturing environments filled with bright colors and toys. Early learning professionals take continuing education classes just like other educators, and use a quality curriculum that teaches infants, toddlers, and pre-k at each age, from numbers and letters to how to play well with others.  

And unlike public schools, child care businesses pay for labor, rent, supplies, insurance, and more from the individual tuitions of individual families. The math just isn’t mathing anymore.  

In 2021, the Legislature passed SB 5237, the Fair Start for Kids Act—a road map for making child care more affordable for parents and more sustainable for providers. Gone was the cap of 33,000 households (in a state of 3.5 million) who could get help paying for care, imposed a decade prior during the Great Recession. Under Fair Start, a family of three earning an extravagant $4,317 a month (about $52,000 a year) was newly able to access assistance. Subsidy rates increased for providers, helping to stabilize these small, typically women- and immigrant-owned businesses. And family income eligibility was scheduled to go up 10 percent in 2025 and again in 2027.  

If the Legislature had kept the promise of Fair Start for Kids, a family of three in 2025 making (again, an extravagant) $83,000 a year would have qualified for state help, and their child care costs could have dropped from $2,000 or more a month to $215. When affordability is the issue of the day, this is functionally a serious pay raise. Fair Start laid out a road map to helping not both low-income and middle-income families, and thousands of working families were signing up for this program that helped their kids get a Fair Start while they went to work.

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Today, those promises are gone, eliminated by multiple years of state budget shortfalls and child care, which lacks the constitutional protections of public education, being treated as discretionary spending.  

The first test for leaders who want universal child care is simple: Will they say no to further cuts?  Will they protect provider sustainability and family access, in a world where more than a billion dollars was already cut out of early learning in 2025?

So first, stop the bleeding. Next, remember that help paying for child care is only valuable if the care exists to be paid for. In 2025, New Mexico got headlines for being the first state to offer no-cost child care to all families, but they forgot about the workforce. The state’s own estimates identified a shortfall of nearly 16,000 physical slots and at least 5,000 new professionals needed to staff them. Today, many families have access to a subsidy they cannot use because the care provider is not there.

The warning for Washington: Expanded eligibility will fall short if the state continues to cut or lets the workforce shrink. Families need open doors, staffed classrooms, and providers who can afford to stay.

So what should elected officials do?

  1. Commit to no more cuts to child care.  Governor Ferguson’s most recent budget proposed that child care account for 40 percent of budget cuts. This month, he told agencies like the Department of Children, Youth, and Families to prepare for “significant cuts” this winter. Washington should not balance the budget by making child care more expensive for families or harder for providers to deliver.
  2. Treat child care workers like the professionals they are with wages, benefits, real career pathways, and retirement security. Today, unionized child care providers —the largely Black, brown, and immigrant women who uphold our economy—are prohibited by law from bargaining over retirement. Washington cannot keep asking workers to carry the system while denying them the tools to stay in the field.
  3. Pay for the actual cost of care. Washington requires high quality care from providers, but the subsidy rates don’t cover those same costs. A bill to reform how these rates are set has languished for two sessions. When rates are uncompetitive, providers make rational economic choices, like reducing their enrollment of low income families or raising rates on middle income families to make up the difference.  

This election season, it’s easy to say you want universal child care.  The real test is how leaders support the workforce that make access to care for families possible in the first place.  

Erin Haick is the Political & Legislative Director at SEIU 925, which represents more than 19,000 workers in early learning, K-12, higher education, and public service across Washington State.

Business, City Council, education, Elections, Mayor Harrell

Head of Downtown Business Group Lobbied for Digital Kiosk Company; Education Levy Will Help Backfill City’s Budget Deficit

1. Under an agreement signed earlier this month, the Downtown Seattle Association will get to keep the revenues, estimated at a little over $1 million a year, from 30 digital ad kiosks that a company called IKE Smart City will soon install on downtown sidewalks. Because the agreement itself is private (the city will get no money from the deal, unless revenues exceed expectations), it’s hard to say whether the business group got a good deal or if IKE will walk away with the lion’s share of the profits.

What is clear is that the relationship between IKE and the Downtown Seattle Association is unusually close: The DSA’s board chair, Pacific Public Affairs principal Sung Yang, is a registered lobbyist for IKE. According to Yang’s filing with the city in April, he was hired by IKE, along with former deputy mayor Hyeok Kim, to lobby the city on “legislation related to Digital Kiosks.”

James Sido, the DSA’s communications director, told PubliCola that Yang “didn’t represent IKE in negotiation on DSA’s agreement with IKE. We conferred directly with Clay Collett, senior development director at Orange Barrel Media (the creators and operators of IKE kiosks).” However, it appears that Yang lobbied the city on IKE’s behalf while serving as board chair of the DSA. That puts Yang on two sides of the three-way deal, serving as a representative for the digital billboard company and the business group that will receive a share of the revenues from the billboards.

2. The city council voted to put a $1.3 billion Families, Education, Preschool, and Promise (FEPP) levy on the ballot earlier this month. If passes, the levy will increase next year from 36.5 cents per $1,000 of assessed home value to an average of 61 cents per $1,000 over the next six years, starting at 72 cents per $1,000 in 2026. That translates to a price tag of $656 a year for the median homeowner in Seattle, up from $248 under the previous, $619 million levy.

In a press release, Mayor Bruce Harrell described the levy as  “transformative,” saying it would  “make Seattle one of the best cities in the nation to start and raise a family, supporting our children from cradle, to classroom, into college and beyond toward successful careers.”

But the levy also includes significant spending—nearly $50 million a year—on programs the city was already paying for out of its general-fund budget, placing services the city has previously treated as fundamental at the mercy of voters. Generally speaking, levies are supposed to be—and are invariably sold as—additive; while the city budget pays for essential services, like fire, police, and a functioning road system, voters decide whether to tax themselves to pay for things like library expansions, sidewalks, and preschool programs.

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This year’s levy will shift funding for almost 30 programs that are currently being funded by the general fund, the JumpStart payroll tax, and the sweetened beverage tax over to the levy, amounting to a total of nearly $300 million over six years. Here are some of the existing programs for which funding will shift to the education levy to help Harrell and the council close a funding gap that’s currently estimated at $250 million over the next two years, along with their current funding sources (all numbers are six-year totals):

  • Increased Mental Health Staffing Supports (JumpStart): $42.1 million
  • Supporting Youth for Success grants, which provide preemployment skill building and mentorship (General Fund): $26 million
  • Youth and Young Adult Behavioral Health (General Fund): $12.7 million
  • Nurse Family Partnership (General Fund): $18.8 million
  • Online therapy for people between 13 and 24 (JumpStart): $24..7 million
  • Developmental Bridge, which provides services to young children with developmental delays (Sweetened Beverage Tax): $4 million
  • In-person mental health care for middle and high school students who aren’t served by school-based health centers (JumpStart): $16.7 million

A spokeswoman for Mayor Harrell, Callie Craighead, said Harrell alluded to the need to use levy dollars to fund existing programs in his levy announcement, when he said the levy would “align existing City investments in programs serving the three initiative goals through levy investments to ensure a stable funding source for years to come, maximize program coordination, and drive positive outcomes for Seattle youth.”

“The City’s latest revenue projections show an uncertain economic outlook and a reduction in multiple funding sources … that would impact important upstream investments for Seattle youth and families. Our levy renewal proposal ensures that these priorities have dedicated, consistent funding for the next six years,” Craighead said.

Already, she added, state budget reductions have forced the city’s Department of Education and Early Learning to use the current levy to fund preschool slots for the 2025 to 2026 school year. “This shows the cascading impact of reductions that we are looking to avoid by having stable funding through the levy.” It also suggests the high-level spending plan Harrell rolled out when he proposed the levy may not be what it ends up funding, and that the city could look to the levy to solve its budget problems in the future.

City Council, education

Spending on City’s New Payroll System Tops $32 Million; Saka Spouts Off About Tech Workers, COVID School Closures

1. The city of Seattle has increased its spending on its troubled new payroll software system, Workday, from $14 million to more than $32 million.

The cost increases have been catalogued in a series of 18 change orders to the city’s contract with Deloitte, the consulting firm that’s been implementing and troubleshooting the new system since last year. Each change order includes a catalog of outstanding issues with Workday, which launched last year after numerous delays.

As soon as the new system was in place, city employees began reporting missing or inaccurate pay, deferred compensation that came out of their paychecks but never showed up in their bank accounts, and disappearing vacation days, among many other problems that have ranged from annoying (managers not being able to hand off payroll approval duties when they take time off) to nerve-wracking (paychecks that showed up hundreds or thousands of dollars short) to harmless but potentially costly (some workers got vacation time they didn’t qualify for—and took it.)

A spokesman for the city’s HR department, Antorris Williams, said change orders are common for large projects, and that all the changes “were approved by the Mayor’s Office and did not require” approval from the city council through a formal budget action. Last year’s city budget estimated that implementing Workday would cost up to $50 million over the life of the contract, which is ongoing.

PubliCola has reached out to the city numerous times about issues with Workday. Every time, we’ve been told that whatever specific crisis we were calling about had been resolved or would be fixed soon. We don’t envy the city HR employees who have to put out fires caused by complex new software that may not have been ready for prime time. But the kind of problems Deloitte was reporting as recently as late February—when the most recent $2.1 million change order was signed—suggest that worrying problems persist.

The tables in Deloitte’s most recent contract update, for example, show dozens of issues that have arisen recently or remain unaddressed. These include employees getting shorted on vacation time; people being improperly told they’re ineligible for family leave; incorrect deductions for union dues and social security; and all manner of big and small nuisances that appear to require one-off changes to the complex system.

Last year, the city converted five “emergency” positions that were created to implement Workday from temporary to permanent. The new positions added $1.5 million in annual city spending. According to the most recent city budget, the permanent employees will provide ” ongoing operations and maintenance support post-implementation.”

2. During a meeting of the city’s Families, Education, Preschool and Promise Levy committee on Thursday, Councilmember Rob Saka, a former Big Tech attorney, was talking about the need to for more opportunities for local Black and brown kids when he made this comment about Seattle’s tech industry:

“Many of those workers aren’t from the city of Seattle. Many of them don’t look like me, to be more blunt. … And you know, there’s a lot of reliance on H1B visas and everything. We need to empower more people with the opportunity to have these jobs, more people locally. So that’s why we need more people from the Central District, more people from the South End, more people from High Point, and we do that by investing in digital skilling initiatives.” Saka’s comment, which suggested that Asian immigrants are taking jobs that should go to people from Seattle, was an extraordinarily poor choice of words, at best, in the current anti-immigrant national climate.

Earlier in the meeting, Saka criticized Seattle for keeping schools and preschools closed during COVID for longer than other parts of the state. After opining that kids who don’t attend preschool are too often watched or babysit at home by Mom or Grandma—nd half the time being babysit by a TV, the soap operas,” Saka said his own kids’ preschool “stayed open the whole time,” allowing him and his wife to “work remotely without [the] distraction of two year olds and three year olds primarily having meltdowns everywhere.”

Seattle, Saka continued, had erred by keeping schools closed too long, and had to be forced by then-Gov. Jay Inslee to reopen at least part-time in April 2021. In 2021, when “schools across the state were opening up left and right, it took an order of the the governor the state of Washington to order schools to open up in Seattle,” Saka said. “So COVID, apparently, was worse in the city of Seattle than other parts of the state, other parts of the country. Not true, by the way. And what kind of impact does it have on people’s mental health? Not good!”

The committee’s other members did not remark on Saka’s comments about immigration and school closures during COVID.

City Council, education, Equity, Transportation

Spending Money Earmarked for Student Mental Health Will Require Action from Skeptical Council; Saka Abruptly Cuts Off Presentation on Transportation Equity

1. Seattle City Councilmembers, many of them still focused on undoing the legacy of the previous, more progressive council, turned their attention this week to an increase in the JumpStart payroll tax passed in the final days of budget deliberations last year.

The 0.1 percent increase, sponsored by former councilmember Kshama Sawant (with current council members Sara Nelson and Dan Strauss voting “no”), is supposed to flow into the city’s Department of Education and Early Learning to “expand educational supports at Seattle Public Schools, prioritizing mental health services including, but not limited to, school-based mental health counselors and culturally specific and responsive programming from community-based organizations.”

That won’t happen, however, without followup legislation expanding the possible uses of the JumpStart tax to include mental health supports for students—and until then, money will keep accruing, unspent.

The council and Mayor Bruce Harrell have already signaled that they plan to amend JumpStart, which is supposed to pay for affordable housing, Equitable Development Initiative projects, and Green New Deal investments, to free up money to solve a general-fund deficit of around $260 million. (The deficit has grown, among other reasons, because of a recently adopted contract with the city’s police guild giving officers retroactive raises of 24 percent).

During a budget committee meeting this week, Strauss said the council did no outreach to the school district before passing the increase for mental health programming, and new Councilmember Maritza Rivera expressed skepticism about the city taking on “a newer line of business” that they had no expertise in. The council previously added $4 million, over two years, for mental health services in schools, with $250,000 of that earmarked for Ingraham High School, the site of a 2022 shooting.

Rivera, whose kids go to Ingraham, said she had “no idea how the money was implemented, how well it’s working. It’s a new line of business, [and] there are no mental health experts at the department or at the city. There’s [Seattle-King County] Public Health, but I’m not sure how plugged-in Public Health was to that [decision], so definitely a lot of questions here.”

Yesterday’s shooting at Garfield High School will make it harder, politically, for council members obsessed with undoing Sawant’s legacy to allow the school mental-health funding (which was prompted by the Ingraham shootingl) to lapse, but anything’s possible; if the city doesn’t allocate the money this year, via the regular midyear budget process, it would go back into the JumpStart fund and be allocated among the current spending categories.

Employers have been paying the increased tax—which is based on the pay of the highest-paid employees at the city’s largest companies—since the beginning of the year.

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2. During a meeting of the council’s special transportation levy committee this week, committee chair Rob Saka abruptly cut off a presentation from the Seattle Department of Transportation about a proposed task force that will, if the levy passes in November, be charged with creating policies to guide levy spending on sidewalks, bridges, and street paving, with a focus on equity and financial sustainability.

SDOT director Greg Spotts had just given a brief overview of the levy and was handing the mic off to SDOT’s transportation equity program manager, Annya Pintak, to talk about efforts to integrate the city’s race and social justice goals into the levy.

That’s when Saka jumped in, telling Spotts, “I’m gonna cut you off here for just a moment. I feel like we have a good baseline on that. And so, you know, you were invited here today with the specific purpose and intent [of] talking about the task force. So I encourage you to direct your comments and narrow them to the task force, and I believe slide 14 is… where that starts.”

A third presenter, levy program manager Megan Shepherd, jumped past Pintak’s presentation to her own slides, leaving Pintak—the only person of color at the presenters’ table—sitting silently (and awkwardly) at the table for the rest of the presentation.

Whatever Saka’s reason for rushing SDOT along, nixing the equity section of the department’s presentation didn’t save much time; the whole agenda item took up roughly 15 minutes of an almost two-and-a-half-hour meeting that began and ended with lengthy remarks by Saka.

education, Elections, Mayor Harrell, Morning Crank, neighborhoods

Magnolia Considers Suing Over New District Boundaries, Mayor Donates Auction Item to Exclusive Private School

1. Update on November 22, 2022: According to an email distributed by the Magnolia Community Council, the group “has made the difficult decision to no longer pursue an appeal” because the cost of doing so would be “prohibitive.” The group “will start planning for how we will come together to work effectively and efficiently for one community made up of two Council Districts,” the email said.

Rumors were flying this week that the Magnolia Community Council planned to file a legal challenge to a new Seattle City Council district map that divides the peninsula into two council districts. Representatives of businesses and homeowners in Magnolia argued that the map the Seattle Redistricting Commission ultimately adopted was inequitable because it “split” the neighborhood, moving the wealthier, whiter western half of Magnolia into District 6, currently represented by Dan Strauss.

An email that went out on the community council’s mailing list this week sought donations for a “legal defense fund” to request a review of the new map from a King County Superior Court judge, on the grounds that the redistricting commission did not follow rules laid out in the city charter for the 10-year redistricting process. “Our goal is to request a judge to order the Commission to follow the Charter and vote for a map that keeps Magnolia whole,” the email says.

The community council’s website praises comments made by former mayor Greg Nickels, the only redistricting commission member to vote against the map. In his statement, as PubliCola reported, Nickels called the map “retribution  [against] Magnolia because it is an older, wealthier and whiter community.”

Demographically, the neighborhood consists of two distinct, and very different areas. The west side, with its expansive views of Puget Sound, fits the stereotype of Magnolia as a suburban enclave: almost exclusively single-family and owner-occupied, with median home values as high as $1.7 million.

The eastern half of the peninsula, which includes thousands of renters in dense apartment blocks, will remain part of District 7, which includes other renter-heavy neighborhoods like Lower Queen Anne, Belltown, and downtown. According to Census data, the eastern part of Magnolia encompasses some of the city’s densest Census tracts, including several where more than 80 percent of residents are renters; overall, the part of Magnolia that will stay in District 7 includes almost 5,000 rental units.

The Magnolia Community Council did not respond to a request for comment on its plans to mount a legal challenge, nor on its fundraising efforts.

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2. Mayor Bruce Harrell offered “lunch with the Mayor” for five students, complete with a photo opp and a tour of City Hall by mayoral staff, as an auction item to benefit the exclusive Lakeside School’s parents’ association earlier this month. Proceeds from the annual ROAR (Raising Our Allocation Resources) auction pay for “classroom enrichment, faculty and staff development, and financial aid,” according to Lakeside’s website.

Annual tuition at Lakeside School is more than $40,000 a year, although families that receive financial assistance pay, on average, just over $9,800 a year, according to the school’s website. The average income for families that receive financial aid is $163,730 a year.

In response to questions about the auction, mayoral spokesman Jamie Housen said Harrell has “regularly volunteered his time for these kinds of charity auctions, including to support students at Garfield and Cleveland High Schools, the Wing Luke Museum, and the Rainier Chamber. … In this case, he was asked to support a charity auction to raise money in support of students, including financial aid for underrepresented students. One of Mayor Harrell’s children is a Lakeside alumnus and his daughter-in-law currently works at the school.”

Other items available at the auction, which has now closed, included a Lake Washington Boat Adventure with “El Capitan Jefe,” an inside look at the filming of KING TV’s long-running Evening show, and weekends at several vacation houses. Lunch with the mayor sold for $225.