Category: homelessness

KCRHA CEO’s Departure Leaves Right-Hand Man in Charge, City Budget Leader Warns Council About Profligate Spending, No Concession Yet in Lopsided Council Race

KCRHA CEO Kelly Kinnison reads her resignation letter on Friday.

1. King County Regional Homelessness Authority CEO Kelly Kinnison likely forestalled her own firing by resigning abruptly on Friday, November 6. In a brief, 153-word resignation letter, Kinnsion wrote that given the KCRHA governing board’s recent decision to “right size” the agency and move the administration of the region’s homelessness contracts back to Seattle and King County, “I believe it is in the best interest of the agency for me to make room for those changes.”

The KCRHA began to unravel earlier this year, when a forensic audit found that sloppy accounting and fiscal practices had resulted in the apparent disappearance of $13 million, which was not fully accounted for until late September. Last month, a followup report found that because of miscalculations that lasted for the duration of the agency, the KCRHA had overspent its budget by almost $17 million, which the city and King County (the KCRHA’s two primary funders) will now have to pay.

Kinnison’s announcement took place at the beginning of a KCHRA governing board meeting that was  scheduled to include a closed executive session, called under a subsection of the Open Public Meetings Act that allows closed meetings to review the performance of a public employee, a typical step before a governing body fires an executive. During the meeting itself, that item was apparently removed from the agenda and the board held a brief executive session to discuss litigation, but not the performance evaluation, which would have become unnecessary once Kinnison resigned on her own.

It’s unclear what litigation the board was discussing. Former KCRHA employee Xochitl Maykovitch filed a lawsuit against the agency in June, alleging that Kinnison had illegally withheld records related to an investigation into staff complaints against Kinnison. That investigation, by an outside lawyer, found that Kinnison retaliated against Maykovitch and the KCRHA’s general counsel, Edmund Witter.

In July, PubliCola reported that it appeared Kinnison did attempt to conceal her correspondence from public disclosure law, cutting off the public disclosure officer’s access to her emails and asking an IT staffer to label all her communications “deliberative” to categorically exempt them from records requests.

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The KCRHA’s governing board, made up of elected officials, had seemed stubbornly dedicated to keeping both Kinnison and her recently promoted chief operating officer, William Towey, on board. For more than a year, the board more or less ignored staff complaints about Kinnison (including allegations of racial bias) and demands that the board fire executive staff, including Towey and Kinnison, before getting rid of critical workers.

Board members were tepid about Kinnison’s tenure on Friday; only Mayor Katie Wilson and King County Executive Girmay Zahilay spoke. “We appreciate your work and also acknowledge the tremendously challenging job that you had with the federal landscape, with the structures in this entity, that are very challenging to navigate and the complexity of the homelessness crisis in general,” Zahilay said.

Ironically, it will be Towey, who Kinnison hired over widespread objections, who will now take over as effective leader of the agency until the board can appoint an acting CEO. Since last year, Towey has served as Kinnison’s right-hand man, speaking on the agency’s behalf at meetings from which she has been absent or at which she sat next to him in silence.

Kinnison has not signed a separation agreement, according to a KCRHA spokesperson, suggesting that she will not receive severance.

2. Seattle Budget Director Aly Pennucci, a former longtime City Council staffer, didn’t mince words in her assessment of the council’s plan to pile tens of millions in new spending—including ongoing projects that the council plans to pay for with “one-time” funds—on to Mayor Katie Wilson’s proposed budget. Had the budget “accurately reflected” many of thse “one-time” items “as ongoing investment,” Pennucci wrote in a letter to the council on Friday, the budget deficit in 2029 would be $41 million. Which—go math!—is what we reported as the council’s unsustainable long-term commitment last week.

“I heard clearly from many of you over the last two months that you consider ending one-time funding as a ‘budget cut,’” Penucci wrote. “So, I want to be clear with you, City employees, and community partners, that items labeled as “one-time” in the budget for 2027, 2028, or both, will be removed from the 2028 and/or 2029 baseline budget. That is your direction to CBO when you adopt spending as one-time.”

“In addition, given the continued economic uncertainty, and the use of fund balances and reserves, we will need to proceed very carefully with authorizing some of this new spending in 2027 so councilmembers should expect that some of the proposals may be frozen, at least until we see the April revenue forecast.” (Emphasis in original).

Pennucci also expressed concern about council budget committee chair Dan Strauss’ decision to dip into financial reserves meant to shore up the JumpStart tax in case of an unexpected revenue shortfall, bringing it below the level required by law. The JumpStart payroll expense tax falls most heavily on a small number of huge companies with highly compensated workers, so it’s inherently volatile, which is why the council previously established a reserve amounting to no less than 10 percent of projected tax revenues.

Finally, Pennucci cautioned against all the “earmarks” in the budget—spending that the budget says will go to an organization “such as” a specific, named group—warning that the council may want funds to go to their preferred organization, but the city is still required to follow state and federal contracting law. This is a perennial losing battle—the mayor and council often specify which groups they want to receive city funding in the budget, using weasel words to avoid explicit earmarks. This year, however, Wilson’s budget included almost no earmarks; the exceptions included adds for Throne and Portland Loo-style public restrooms.

The council’s budget amendments would add at least 21 new earmarks to the budget, including seven for neighborhood associations and business groups in West Seattle, Magnolia, the University District, and SoDo as well as the Seattle Sports Commission, Red Barn Ranch, Lakeside Milam treatment center, and many others.

“If a contracting process results in an award to Council’s desired recipient, the ‘such as’ language can call into question the validity of the process,” Pennucci wrote. “If the contract is awarded to an entity other than Council’s preference, the language results in a disgruntled organization that expected to receive the contract

3. District 5 City Council candidate Julie Kang has still not conceded to her winning opponent, Nilu Jenks, who was leading Kang 59 to 41 on Friday. Concessions, while not legally required, are customary once it’s clear who has won an election. On Friday, Kang posted on Facebook and Instagram that she was still waiting for King County Elections “to finalize the results.” By next year’s election (when Jenks will have to run again for a full four-year term) Kang wrote, she hopes “we will see a safer Aurora, better access to essential services in Lake City, and measurable progress on the commitments made to #seattle residents.”

In an interview with PubliCola in October, Kang said that whether she won or lost, she would run for the North Seattle seat again next year.

 

Councilmember Saka Says He’ll Provide Crucial Vote for Mayor Wilson’s Veto of Legislation to Ban RVs From Seattle

Sponsor Dan Strauss said the mayor’s veto shows she’s “disingenuous” and can’t be trusted.

By Erica C. Barnett

Mayor Katie Wilson vetoed legislation on Monday that would ban RVs from parking on Seattle streets over time, citing the “complexity and cost” of a proposed one-time count of people living in RVs, concerns about the legality of the proposal, costs, and the potential that impounding residential RVs would increase unsheltered homelessness.

The legislation, sponsored by Dan Strauss, would establish a permitting system for a limited number of RV residents—those counted in a one-time-only census—with the goal of eventually banning RVs from Seattle streets. Residents would have to participate in mandatory services and accept offers of shelter, and any RVs without a permit could be immediately impounded and removed. It passed on a 6-3 vote.

On Tuesday, Wilson announced an accompanying executive order that directs the Human Services Department to do “intensive outreach” to people living in their vehicl s, create a citywide list of RV residents, and connect those individuals to a new RV safe lot and shelter that will open next month.  That lot, known as the Glassyard Commons, will hold up to 72 RVs and has 20 “tiny house” shelters. A second safe lot, opening in 2027, will accommodate around 90 more. The order also establishes a work group to recommend “programmatic, policy and legal changes” to the city’s approach to RVs within 60 days.

Late Tuesday morning, Wilson was joined at a press conference at City Hall by surprise supporter Rob Saka, one of six councilmembers who voted for the legislation. Saka, as PubliCola first reported Tuesday morning, had changed his mind on the legislation, and would no longer provide the necessary sixth vote to overturn Wilson’s veto. Put another way: Unless Saka changes his mind again before the council votes on Wilson’s veto, the veto will stand.

“I voted in favor of the council’s recent RV legislation because I believe the status quo is totally unacceptable,” Saka said. “I stand by that vote and the urgent need for action that motivated it. But I’ve also learned through my experience in public service that we achieve the best results when the executive branches and the legislative branches are aligned around a shared strategic approach.”

“I’m willing to give the mayor a fair shot to propose a credible alternative to that proposal.”

Shortly after Wilson issued her veto late Monday afternoon,  Strauss issued a statement on Monday decrying Wilson’s “lack of leadership” and criticizing her for “breaking her promise” not to veto the bill. Contacted Monday night, Strauss said he met with Wilson’s team on October 14, before the final vote on the bill, and “they stated the mayor was not going to veto the legislation. Today when she called me, she expressed regret for saying she wouldn’t veto the legislation and then doing so.”

On Monday night, Wilson confirmed the meeting, but said that since then, “I have spent more time with city departments understanding the challenges of implementation, and my own deeper consideration of the potential impacts of the legislation led me to believe that giving the council an opportunity to consider an alternative path was the right thing to do for the city. As I have been considering all options, my staff have also been transparent with Councilmember Strauss about that shift.”

Speaking at the press conference on Tuesday, Wilson said concerns about the logistical complexity and basic legality of Strauss’ proposal were also on her mind when she decided to veto the plan.

“I considered what it would take to stand up a costly and complex new city bureaucracy in a constrained budget environment. I considered the likelihood that this would, in practice, end up pulling capacity and personnel from other urgent public safety priorities. I learned more about the legal, operational, and safety challenges to dealing with problematic RVs and the ways that this legislation does not address those challenges.”

Seattle City Councilmember Dan Strauss

Shortly after the mayor’s press conference ended, Strauss decried the mayor’s decision, calling Wilson “disingenuous” and saying “I can’t trust her word anymore” because “there have been a number of times that she’s broken the promises that she’s made to me.” He called Wilson’s executive order “a copy and paste from my legislation.”

Strauss also accused Wilson of “sitting on” the $5 million set aside in the 2026 budget for shelter outreach last year. “She has been sitting on these funds all year, and since July and August, when I’ve been in direct conversations with the mayor’s team about deploying these funds, they have not deployed the funds for contracted outreach to help people living in their vehicles,” Strauss said.

Asked about this allegation, a spokesperson for Wilson said the mayor “has been holding funding for RV outreach until the policy deliberation at the Council was completed. Upon signing her Executive Order, the Mayor has asked HSD to immediately work to get this funding out the door to support vehicle resident outreach.” The budget set aside money for safe lots, shelter, assistance for RV residents as they move into shelter or housing, and RV storage associated with safe lots; had HSD used the money for RV outreach before the safe lot opened, they would not have had any shelter to offer RV residents.

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Strauss, who previously said the mayor was “uncomfortable addressing homelessness” because it would require her to set “boundaries,” credited himself with getting Wilson to take action no RVs . 

“If it took 11 months of my work for the mayor to pay attention to one of the most critical issues in our community today, then that’s a success for me, and that’s a success for the legislative branch,” Strauss said. “Right now, we need leadership, not wishy-washy work groups.”

Strauss said a previous count of RVs in Seattle found a total of 145 RVs in the city, which he said was probably an undercount. Between the two RV safe lots, Strauss said, there might be enough room to take every RV in Seattle off the streets.  “If you have two shelter safe lots that account for all of the RVs that people are living on the city streets, then we have a place for them to go,” Strauss said. “And because I am concerned that it’s an undercount, that’s why I propose the permit process to say, if you are living on the streets today, we are going to care for you today.”

But that number is almost certainly far lower than the true number of people living in RVs in Seattle. The most recent detailed Point In Time Count of people experiencing homelessness in King County, from 2024, found that about 27 percent of the unsheltered people in King County were living in their vehicles. Applying that number to the 4,858 unsheltered people the count estimated were living in Seattle that year suggests that there were more than 1,20o people living in their vehicles in 2024.

Extrapolating from the high-level Point in Time Count the King County Regional Homelessness Authority released earlier this year suggests there are around 1,500 people living in vehicles in Seattle. That’s in line with a recent study from the University of Washington, which also concluded that about 500 of those individuals are living in RVs and other large vehicles, such as “fifth wheels,” throughout the year—not 150.

ACLU-Washington Executive Director Michelle Storms, who stood beside Wilson during her press conference, declined to say afterward whether the ACLU would have sued the city if Strauss’ RV ban had gone into effect. “Because there is this veto and this possibility of a path forward that is both mindful of the human and compassionate need, as well as addressing public safety and concerns, we’re excited to see how that unfolds, and we’re grateful that the mayor has made out this particular piece of legislation,” Storms said. 

In September, the ACLU’s Smart Justice Policy Program Director Jazmyn Clark warned that Strauss’ legislation raised “significant constitutional concerns,” pointing to court cases establishing that that state’s Homestead Act provides protections for vehicles used as homes. A separate state Supreme Court case involving a person who lived in his vehicle found that the city’s towing and impound fees violated the constitutional protection against excessive fines.

The ACLU also raised legal questions about a separate Strauss bill Wilson did not veto, which vastly broadened the definition of “junk vehicles” to make it easier for the city to tow and discard unsightly or inoperative cars parked on public streets.

Under the Seattle City Charter, the City Council has until December 2 to take a vote on the veto, but Strauss said he hoped to hold a vote as soon as possible. “My proposal is to get this done with now,” he said.

This Week on PubliCola: Sara Nelson’s Disappearing $30,000, Council Proposes Budget-Busting New Spending, KCRHA Explains $17 Million Gap

And more stories—and podcasts!—you may have missed for the week of October 26.

By Erica C. Barnett

Monday, October 26

Greater Seattle: Wilson’s Sweeps and Nelson’s Disappearing $30,000

Josh zeroes in on a fact that City Council critics of Mayor Katie Wilson seem unwilling to acknowledge: Under Wilson, the Unified Care Team has done more encampment sweeps than when Bruce Harrell was mayor. And, he argues, former councilmember Sara Nelson got away with using anonymous funds to finance a PAC that’s promoting a council candidate—even though the PAC returned the money.

Tuesday, October 27

Council Budget Amendments Already Top $80 Million in New Spending—and That’s Before the Big Stuff

The city council majority, which larded the 2026 city budget with “one-time” spending on new programs, is livid that Mayor Wilson’s budget closed the deficit they created by getting rid of some of their unfunded programs. Now, they’re proposing to add many of those programs back while also adding new ones, at a potential cost of more than $100 million (as a meeting that took place after this post revealed).

Thursday, October 29

Ex-Burien City Manager’s Excessive Complaints

The city of Burien finally handed over the investigation report that preceded former city manager Adolfo Bailon’s departure. It reveals that in addition to repeatedly calling 911 on homeless people in the park near his office, Bailon filed a barrage of apparently frivolous complaints against city councilmembers, city staff, and regular Burien residents.

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KCHRA Elaborates on Money Troubles (and Lays off Key Staff)

At a King County Council committee meeting, the regional homelessness authority’s chief operating officer, William Towey, said the agency’s recently revealed $16.7 million in overspending happened because the agency consistently overestimated how much money it would bring in, to the tune of a quarter billion dollars. Seattle and the which are taking back control of the region’s homelessness contracts, will have to shoulder the cost of the KCRHA’s poor financial choices.

In other KCRHA news, agency CEO Kelly Kinnison laid off one of the agency’s last two HR staffers as well as its top expert on HMIS, the complex homelessness tracking system that is one of the KCRHA’s few remaining responsibilities

Friday, October 30

$18.7 Million for Office Space. Cuts for Public Health. King County Has It Backward.

In a guest post, Harborview nurse Ryan Talen argues that King County Executive Girmay Zahilay’s costly return-to-office mandate would be better spent on health and human service programs to replace the ones that are being cut, both in Zahilay’s proposed budget and through federal funding reductions that will eliminate health care for millions.

Also this week: I was on City Cast Seattle’s November Guide episode, where we talked about how we’re keeping ourselves busy and warm this fall, as well as what’s on your ballot this week.

On Seattle Nice this week we talked with with Seattle City Attorney Erika Evans and Criminal Division Chief Jenna Robert about the city’s new Connection Court, which pairs access to services with strict requirements for people who opt in. People who accumulate additional criminal charges or fail to participate in services will get kicked out to mainstream court, where they’ll face penalties including potential jail time.

 

 

Ex-Burien City Manager’s Excessive Complaints, KCHRA Elaborates on Money Troubles (and Lays off Key Staff) and More

Despite what my Bluesky would have you believe, there is more stuff going on in and around Seattle than just the budget!

1. Three months after we requested a report on the investigation into former Burien city manager Adolfo Bailon’s performance, the city of Burien finally provided a heavily redacted copy of the 24-page document. Although the redactions (of phrases like “city manager” and “city attorney” as well as the names of, Bailon, and former Burien city attorney Garmon Newsom III) make the report a somewhat challenging read, what’s clear is that Bailon was fired not just for poor performance, but for spending much of his time filing frivolous harassment and discrimination complaints about elected officials, city staff, public commenters, and at least one person who wrote a letter to the editor of a local news site.

Bailon’s complaints included one accusing  councilmember Hugo Garcia of making a “verbal threat”  when, as Bailon told it, Garcia said they would have a problem if encampment sweeps started up in Burien. Bailon also complained that Garcia implied the city manager was racist at a council meeting at which Garcia said a council proposal to site a new tiny house village in a low-income, mostly Latino area “reeks of white supremacy.”

To back up his claim that Garcia was targeting him, Bailon complained about an email Garcia sent to Councilmember Rocco Devito (the topic was the Seahawks flag) in which Garcia misspelled Bailon’s first name as “Adolph.” This, Bailon said, “suggests a deliberate attempt to associate me and my legal work with white supremacy and with Adolf Hitler.” Bailon also filed complaints against Garcia over comments he posted on social media and threatened, in comments on a letter to the editor of the B-Town Blog, to request Garcia’s employment file and post it publicly.

On and on the complaints went. Bailon wanted the council to publicly condemn someone who criticized him on social media, then threatened to get HR involved when two councilmembers didn’t respond right away. He demanded a formal investigation into a Burien resident, claiming she made a racist comment about how he should “go back where you came from”; in fact, she had said his lack of compassion for homeless people showed he didn’t understand Burien, but he might “have better luck” in his previous home state of California. He filed a complaint against a constituent who said he had burned bridges with progressives, calling this part of a pattern of harassment. While he was filing all these complaints, Bailon also had plenty of time to call 911 on homeless people, then complain to the police chief when he got put on hold.

As we reported, the city council put Bailon on administrative leave in April, shortly after he fired Newsom, who immediately had his attorney send a letter accusing Bailon of racial discrimination. (Bailon is Mexican American and Newsom is Black). When city staff tried to put Bailon on leave to investigate the allegations, Bailon claimed they were harassing and discriminating against him; the council voted to put him on leave about a week later, prompting more complaints. The council eventually fired Bailon “without cause,” which gave him access to a severance payment of around $120,000. He still lives in Burien.

 

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2. The leader of another dysfunctional government entity, King County Regional Homelessness Authority director Kelly Kinnison, was absent during much of a King County Council committee meeting last week where she and her chief operating officer, William Towey, were scheduled to answer questions about the discovery that the agency overspent its budget by nearly $17 million, with interest on its ongoing debt to King County continuing to accrue.

Kinnison joined the meeting remotely about halfway through Towey’s in-person presentation, in which Towey revealed that the agency brought in about $250 million less, over its five-year lifespan, than it assumed it would. “Classic overspend,” as Towey described it, accounted for about $3.4 million.

Most of that overspending came from three sources: An “unplanned and unbudgeted” decision to use Salesforce to administer grants to homeless service providers; “excessive … fees” to the Robert Half temp agency, which provided financial staffers to do work that would more typically be done by employees, at a cost of $150 an hour plus fees; and interest the agency has consistently owed King County, its lender, because its bank balance has typically been negative (rather than balancing out over the course of the year as funding comes in).

The bulk of the $16.7 million gap, as we’ve reported, resulted from false assumptions about how much administrative funding the KCRHA would receive through its contracts with homeless service providers. Although some, including a certain Seattle Times columnist, have portrayed underspending as a shocking scandal, it’s typical for providers (including nonprofits that contract with the city of Seattle) to be unable to spend all of the money they’re allocated every year; the KCRHA just decided, at some point, that they wouldn’t, and kept using this assumption year after year.

One way or another, the city and county are going to have to split up the cost of the KCRHA’s poor financial decisions. How they will divvy up that expense (and when) remains an open question. Asked about the debt last week, Seattle Mayor Katie Wilson would only say that the city is “in active discussion with the county” about how to fix the KCRHA’s fiscal mess.

3. Although the city and county are taking over almost all the KCRHA’s contracts with homeless service providers, the KCRHA will continue (for now) to oversee a number of federally required functions, including the biennial Point In Time Count of the region’s homeless population (a process that now involves a lot of statistical extrapolation and data analysis rather than a direct count), the annual federal funding process, and the job overseeing the region’s Homeless Management Information System (HMIS) database.

Given these new limitations, many at KCRHA were taken aback earlier this month when Kinnison laid off the agency’s lead HMIS analyst, a person who had been with KCRHA since the beginning and was chiefly responsible for overseeing (and understanding) HMIS. This core function will now go to other staffers who have been doing other work and are less familiar with the complex system. Kinnison also let one of the two remaining HR staffers go, meaning that there will only be one HR staffer left to oversee every aspect of human resources at the agency, which has about 50 employees.

The layoffs were not announced; in fact, according to sources familiar with the discussion, Kinnison told a group of elected officials and others working on KCRHA’s transition that she was not planning additional layoffs as of that morning.

4. Don’t miss our conversation with Seattle City Attorney Erika Evans and Criminal Division Chief Jenna Robert this week. We talked about Evans’ new Connection Court, a diversionary misdemeanor court that pairs access to services with strict requirements for people who opt in. People who accumulate additional criminal charges or fail to participate in services will get kicked out to mainstream court, where they’ll face penalties including potential jail time.

Evans also announced a new program for repeat offenders that will both prohibit them from participating in any diversion program and seek harsher penalties, including “aggravated jail sentences,” for people who meet certain criteria, such as amassing more than three misdemeanor charges in three months or shoplifting at the same place twice.

A quick correction on this episode: Sandeep described San Francisco’s Reset Center, a sobering center where police remove people from the streets involuntarily for eight hours or so until they can receive a certificate of sobriety, incorrectly.

It is not true that the Reset Center offers medication-assisted treatment, such as shots of long-acting buprenorphine. The center gives referrals to outside providers but does not offer treatment.

It is also not really true that people can just get up and walk out of the Reset Center. In fact, according to the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department, which runs the site, only “[once an individual able to care for themselves, they receive a certificate of release (849 (b) PC) and are free to leave.”

Greater Seattle: Wilson’s Sweeps and Nelson’s Disappearing $30,000

By Josh Feit

108 < 112 < 151

In her press conference last Wednesday, Mayor Wilson debuted a new homelessness approach that focuses on identifying homeless people by name and then prioritizes getting them into shelter and formulating individualized plans. Prompted by successful examples, like a joint Downtown Seattle Association/Purpose Dignity Action encampment resolution in Pioneer Square during the World Cup this summer, social service workers will hit the streets neighborhood by neighborhood and connect people to services and shelter that work for them. Erica has a full report.

In addition to this empathetic effort, Wilson also went on record at a press briefing last week to say the city has not—counter to Councilmember Dan Strauss’ claims—backed off on sweeps, telling two different reporters that she has no plans to change the city’s encampment removal policy. “Our Unified Care Tam has continued doing encampment removals at basically the same rate that they were doing removals before I entered office,” Wilson said. 

Wilson’s buy-in on sweeps was not news to us!

The subject of sweeps and how they beget more sweeps was actually the very first item in last Monday’s installment of this column, which also noted that lefty mayor Wilson had done more sweeps in her first year so far than her predecessor, Mayor Harrell had done by the same point in his first year.  Wilson’s 151 > Harrell’s 112. This, despite Harrell’s tough-love, football-coach reputation that endeared him to the pro-sweeps establishment.

It turns out Wilson’s 151 sweeps tally so far also bests Harrell’s tally for the same period (January through September) throughout his entire term, including in 2025, when the number of sweeps under Harrell was 108. In 2024, there were 112 sweeps under Harrell during the same period. In 2023, there were 95. And as I noted, during his first year in 2022, there were 112 sweeps.

These persistent numbers reiterate the main point I was making all along: Sweeps obviously aren’t a solution to homelessness.

Good on Mayor Wilson for at least adding a proven, humanist policy to the otherwise vicious circular logic of sweeps.

$30,000 > $15,000

We could soon find out who contributed to SeaFor, the shadowy entity former Seattle city council president Sara Nelson set up to raise money for local candidates while concealing donor’s names in order to “protect the privacy of businesses and individuals” (as its own website boasted.) That’s the possible silver lining, anyway, after the lefty Progressive People Power PAC  filed two complaints about a $30,000 donation Nelson’s fund made to a local PAC, North Seattle Neighbors. NSN is supporting the establishment-backed choice in this fall’s council race, Julie Kang, against progressive favorite Nilu Jenks.  The complaints convinced NSN to return the mystery money, which accounted for about two-thirds of the money NSN had raised to date.

How would returning the check reveal whose money SeaFor collected and passed through to NSN? Well, NSN effectively already spent the $30,000 by sending out an initial round of anti-Jenks mailers. As a result, in order to pay off the debt they incurred on those mailers, which they originally planned to cover in part with Seafor’s check, they’ll now have to go out and raise more money themselves. And it’s likely NSN will simply turn to the same conservative donor base that Nelson did. The public should keep an eye on NSN’s upcoming disclosure reports to see who their donors are in the next few weeks. NSN has until election day to cover the mailers; they’ve only reported $15,000 raised to date beyond the elusive $30,000.

I say “silver lining,” because on balance, this is an ethically-challenged turn of events for Seattle. Nelson got exactly what she wanted without having to spend any of her PAC’s money. Sure, NSN was going to buy the mailers before they had the money in hand, as political campaigns often do, operating on the assumption that they’d be able to raise the money in time to pay the eventual bill. But the bad actor in all of this, Nelson, hasn’t faced any consequences for her cynical chicanery. Her group’s ephemeral check, which as of last week accounted for two-thirds of NSN’s money “raised” to date, was on NSN’s books—and now it’s not.

By Monday, NSN had reported raising another $15,000 or so from individual donors, including former deputy mayor Tim Burgess, Vulcan chief real estate officer Ada Healey, Fremont industrial landowner Suzie Burke, and real estate investor Judith Runstad. By that time, though, NSN had already sent out another mailer accusing Jenks of being “clueless” on crime.

And as we were going to press, Jenks’ campaign announced they’d filed a complaint with the state Public Disclosure Commission and the Seattle Ethics and Elections Commission calling on NSN to halt any more mailings until the names of their donors are released. They note in their complaint that the NSN’s mailers themselves list Nelson’s group as their top donor.

Josh@PubliCola.com

This Week on PubliCola: Council Approves Phased-In RV Ban, Council Candidates Describe Their Plans for D5, Dark Money Returned to Sender, and More

Behold the Photoshop skills on display in the latest cut-and-paste scare tactic mailer

By Erica C. Barnett

Monday, October 19

Greater Seattle: We’re Number 1 (in Home Listings Jump); Small Biz is in a Bad Mood; and Sweeps are Not a Solution

As council members continue to speculate that Mayor Katie Wilson is sweeping fewer encampments (a bad thing, in their view), Josh argues in his column that the ongoing presence of encampments shows that sweeps don’t work. Also this week: Storefront businesses say they want more from the city, and Seattle is now a buyer’s market (though you still have to be rich to buy a house).

Tuesday, October 20

PubliCola Questions: Seattle City Council District 5 Candidate Julie Kang

I sat down with Julie Kang, one of the two city council candidates in North Seattle’s District 5, to discuss her plans for the district if she’s elected. Kang supports surveillance cameras, more police, and the use of SOAP orders to keep men caught paying for sex off Aurora; she also wants to slow down housing growth and require more “accountability” for spending on human services.

Wednesday, October 21

PubliCola Questions: District 5 City Council Candidate Nilu Jenks

The second candidate in the D5 race, Nilu Jenks, says she’d take a different approach than her opponent on almost every issue. She opposes surveillance on Aurora, says the city should invest in violence interruptors in North Seattle, wants to invest in streetscape improvements to make Aurora safer, and would consider a tax on AI tokens to fund small business improvements in neighborhoods like Lake City.

Council Supermajority Passes New Licensing Law That Will Gradually Ban RVs in Seattle

The Seattle City Council approved a package of legislation sponsored by Dan Strauss that, among other changes, broadens the definition of “junk vehicle” and creates a new licensing scheme designed to prohibit people living in RVs from parking overnight in Seattle over time. RV owners who get the new licenses will have to follow all laws, participate in mandatory services, and agree to eventually leave their RVs for a shelter bed.

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Thursday, October 22

Mayor’s Homelessness Proposal Would Bring Hundreds Out of Tents and Into Shelter That Works for Them

Mayor Wilson announced a new approach to homelessness designed to move people out of tents and into dedicated, service-rich shelter over time, replacing haphazard and inconsistent shelter offers with individualized connections. This approach has worked locally when appropriate shelter has been available, so a key component of the plan is Wilson’s push to fund 960 new shelter beds.

Friday, October 23

Pro-Julie Kang PAC Returns Dark Money Contribution from Ex-Councilmember Nelson’s Pass-Through Group

If you were at our live recording of Seattle Nice on Wednesday, you got this news a little earlier than other PubliCola readers: North Seattle Neighbors, a business-backed group supporting Kang, returned a $30,000 contribution from Seafor, a group created by former city councilmember Sara Nelson that attempted to fund the pro-Kang campaign while disguising who its donors were.

Although Seafor appeared to acknowledge its contribution was illegal, it remains to be seen whether and how they intend to fund pro-business candidates next year, when seven councilmembers will be on the ballot.

Campaign Fizz: The More We Love Promotes Anti-Tax Initiative

The More We Love, a group that runs a controversial (and trans-exclusionary) women’s shelter out of a motel in Renton, filmed ads for the campaign against the state income tax on people who earn more than a million dollars a year. The two videos argue that the group is losing donations because of the tax—a dubious claim, since the tax has not gone into effect.

Former Candidate Spams Voters With Text Promos for “Lefty Cheat Sheet”

Ron Davis, who challenged 46th District state Rep. Gerry Pollet and got knocked out in the primary, hasn’t stopped blaming the Stranger for his loss. He has raised tens of thousands of dollars for a new PAC that has been bombarding voters with texts criticizing the Stranger and promoting the Lefty Cheat Sheet—an anonymously created alternative to the Stranger’s “cheat sheet” that aggregates selected endorsements that are supposedly more “lefty” than the Stranger and the existing Progressive Voters’ Guide.

Also this week: Although our planned live District 5 candidate debate had to be canceled at the last minute because of COVID, the show went on at the National Nordic Museum in Ballard. Our live show included a discussion of the D5 race, Strauss’ RV legislation, and Wilson’s new encampment plan—and we answered live audience questions!