education, Guest Contributor, legislature

Here’s What Being a “Child Care Candidate” Actually Means
Photo by BBC Creative on Unsplash

By Erin Haick

Everyone loves child care, especially in an election year.  Candidates for the Legislature, City Council, and County Council are promising universal child care, because it’s a real problem that child care is so expensive for parents while providers make poverty wages. Child care is easy to love, but policy and funding fixes are much harder.

So the first question: Why is it so expensive? First, child care isn’t babysitting. High-quality early learning means credentialed educators, and enough of them to give a toddler a lot of one-on-one attention. It means warm, safe, nurturing environments filled with bright colors and toys. Early learning professionals take continuing education classes just like other educators, and use a quality curriculum that teaches infants, toddlers, and pre-k at each age, from numbers and letters to how to play well with others.  

And unlike public schools, child care businesses pay for labor, rent, supplies, insurance, and more from the individual tuitions of individual families. The math just isn’t mathing anymore.  

In 2021, the Legislature passed SB 5237, the Fair Start for Kids Act—a road map for making child care more affordable for parents and more sustainable for providers. Gone was the cap of 33,000 households (in a state of 3.5 million) who could get help paying for care, imposed a decade prior during the Great Recession. Under Fair Start, a family of three earning an extravagant $4,317 a month (about $52,000 a year) was newly able to access assistance. Subsidy rates increased for providers, helping to stabilize these small, typically women- and immigrant-owned businesses. And family income eligibility was scheduled to go up 10 percent in 2025 and again in 2027.  

If the Legislature had kept the promise of Fair Start for Kids, a family of three in 2025 making (again, an extravagant) $83,000 a year would have qualified for state help, and their child care costs could have dropped from $2,000 or more a month to $215. When affordability is the issue of the day, this is functionally a serious pay raise. Fair Start laid out a road map to helping not both low-income and middle-income families, and thousands of working families were signing up for this program that helped their kids get a Fair Start while they went to work.

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Today, those promises are gone, eliminated by multiple years of state budget shortfalls and child care, which lacks the constitutional protections of public education, being treated as discretionary spending.  

The first test for leaders who want universal child care is simple: Will they say no to further cuts?  Will they protect provider sustainability and family access, in a world where more than a billion dollars was already cut out of early learning in 2025?

So first, stop the bleeding. Next, remember that help paying for child care is only valuable if the care exists to be paid for. In 2025, New Mexico got headlines for being the first state to offer no-cost child care to all families, but they forgot about the workforce. The state’s own estimates identified a shortfall of nearly 16,000 physical slots and at least 5,000 new professionals needed to staff them. Today, many families have access to a subsidy they cannot use because the care provider is not there.

The warning for Washington: Expanded eligibility will fall short if the state continues to cut or lets the workforce shrink. Families need open doors, staffed classrooms, and providers who can afford to stay.

So what should elected officials do?

  1. Commit to no more cuts to child care.  Governor Ferguson’s most recent budget proposed that child care account for 40 percent of budget cuts. This month, he told agencies like the Department of Children, Youth, and Families to prepare for “significant cuts” this winter. Washington should not balance the budget by making child care more expensive for families or harder for providers to deliver.
  2. Treat child care workers like the professionals they are with wages, benefits, real career pathways, and retirement security. Today, unionized child care providers —the largely Black, brown, and immigrant women who uphold our economy—are prohibited by law from bargaining over retirement. Washington cannot keep asking workers to carry the system while denying them the tools to stay in the field.
  3. Pay for the actual cost of care. Washington requires high quality care from providers, but the subsidy rates don’t cover those same costs. A bill to reform how these rates are set has languished for two sessions. When rates are uncompetitive, providers make rational economic choices, like reducing their enrollment of low income families or raising rates on middle income families to make up the difference.  

This election season, it’s easy to say you want universal child care.  The real test is how leaders support the workforce that make access to care for families possible in the first place.  

Erin Haick is the Political & Legislative Director at SEIU 925, which represents more than 19,000 workers in early learning, K-12, higher education, and public service across Washington State.

LGBTQ+, Media

Right-Wing Activist Accused of Assaulting Security Guard While Trying to Force His Way Into Pro-LGBTQ Event


The Turning Point USA activist was trying to force his way into the “No Hate in WA State” campaign kickoff at Neumos when he allegedly struck a security guard in the back of the head.

By Erica C. Barnett

Security at Neumos on Capitol Hill called police on Turning Point USA activist Jonathan Choe last night after Choe allegedly hit a security guard in the back of the head while trying to force his way inside the private No Hate in WA State campaign kickoff.

A Seattle Police Department spokesman said Choe left the scene after Neumos security called the police to report the assault.

According to a police report on the incident, Choe attempted to push and shove his way into the event, which kicked off the campaign against two far-right statewide initiatives on the ballot in November. The first would prevent trans girls from participating in school sports; the second would eliminate privacy protections for kids who reveal confidential information to school officials, including mental health counselors.

The latter proposal would force school districts to out LGBTQ kids to their parents and reveal private health information, such as whether student has asked about reproductive health care, if they have revealed that information to a trusted adult at school.

Choe, who is Korean American, was filmed outside Neumos yesterday, screaming nonsense like “I identify as a Black man!” “you’re wearing a wig!” and “you’re all white supremacists!” before attempting to force his way inside.

The police report notes that Choe also called the security guard a “white supremacist” for denying him access to the private campaign kickoff.

This is not the first time Choe has allegedly assaulted someone and then fled the scene. In 2024, he punched a trans woman and dragged her down the street by her hair, later claiming without evidence that she had “bumped” him; he fled that scene after throwing a metal baton he was carrying into the street.  Earlier this year, he filmed himself clubbing a protester outside a far-right rally and concert at City Hall; the protester he attacked was arrested, while Choe was not.

Choe even harassed supporters of Mayor Katie Wilson at her inauguration, shouting “he’s trantifa, he’s trantifa” while filming random people at City Hall.

Choe films constantly on his phone, but has never posted video that shows anyone actually assaulting him—despite frequently claiming to be the victim of left-wing violence. His typical MO, documented yesterday in videos that show him trying to provoke people into physical fights outside Neumos, is to claim that someone he is harassing has attacked or touched him in order to claim “self-defense” when he attacks them physically.

At yesterday’s event, Choe predictably yelled “don’t touch me!” at people who were not touching him, posting the video on X and claiming “the transgender mafia targeted me with death threats and also challenged me to a fight.” (Watch Choe’s own edited video to see what a snowflake this man is—in reality, people were pointing out that Asian Americans are also targets of white supremacists.)

Choe describes himself as a journalist. He was fired from his last journalism job, as a reporter the right-leaning KOMO TV station, after promoting the Proud Boys hate group with a promotional video scored with a far-right anthem known as the “Männerbund” In a Twitter post accompanying the video, Choe invited people to attend a Proud Boys rally in Olympia and listen to what they had to say.

We’ve reached out to Neumos management and will update this post if we hear back.

Addiction, Drugs, King County

County Councilmember Dembowski Wants to Defund Successful Harm Reduction Program
Source: ADAI, University of Washington

By Erica C. Barnett

Earlier this month, King County Council budget chair Rod Dembowski quietly slipped an amendment into a nearly 400-page supplemental budget proposal that would prohibit the county from spending any money buying or distributing safer smoking supplies, such as pipes and foil, to drug users.

The county’s public health department only runs one needle exchange, where drug users can also access services and treatment medication, but the county distributes supplies to nonprofits that provide similar services, making the potential impact far more significant than the small amount—around $14,000— the county has spent so far this year on pipes and smoking supplies.

King County Public Health (KCPH) estimates that staff distribute safer smoking supplies at the downtown needle exchange for 15 to 20 hours a week, “translating to an estimated $83,000 annually for staff time,” according to KCPH spokeswoman Sharon Bogan. “During these interactions, staff are also connecting individuals with tools to prevent overdose, offering connections to treatment, and addressing client needs,” Bogan said.

King County hands out some of these supplies at its own needle exchange, downtown, and also distributes them to other organizations, including the Hepatitis Education Project and the People’s Harm Reducation Alliance.

Dembowski did not respond to several requests for an interview.

Opponents of harm-reduction approaches, such needle exchanges and the distribution of overdose reversal drugs, argue that making drug use safer merely “enables” drug users to stay addicted. The Trump administration has aggressively rejected harm reduction in favor of punitive approaches, including in recent policy guidance for federal shelter and housing funds.

King County, however, has long embraced harm reduction, which reduces the spread of infectious diseases like HIV and attracts drug users who would not otherwise come in contact with health care and treatment providers. The downtown needle exchange, for example, provides treatment referrals and “warm hand-offs” to the Pathways treatment clinic located in the same location; refers people to detox and medication-assisted treatment; provides case management and connections to housing, food and shelter; and hands out the overdose reversal drug Narcan, among other services.

“Distributing pipes and foil allows Public Health to build trust among people who use drugs. By building this trust, we can reduce preventable deaths, interrupt the spread of infectious diseases, and serve as a bridge to treatment and recovery,” Public Health’s Bogan said. “Discontinuing pipe and foil distribution means that we will lose our connections to people in our community who use smoking supplies and do not inject and who rely on our services.”

Source: ADAI, University of Washington

Caleb Banta-Green, a research professor at the University of Washington’s Addictions, Drugs, & Alcohol Institute (ADAI). said he “was saddened and surprised to see King County do something that appears to be following in the footsteps of the federal government’s really ill-informed approach.” When politicians actually visit harm reduction programs in person, he said, they often change their minds, “because it’s not just giving things to people. It is health promoting and it is literally about engagement and helping people.”

A survey ADAI conducted last year found that in 2025, opiate and meth users overwhelmingly switched from injecting drugs to smoking them, a change (compared to ADAI’s 2015 survey) that corresponded with a dramatic reduction in people showing up at sites that provided clean needles.

In King County, the reduction in injection drug consumption led to a reduction from 25,000 annual visits, or “encounters,” with the public needle exchange program to a low of 12,000 in 2022. After the county began handing out pipes and foil, that number rebounded, from 20,000 in 2023 to 60,000 in 2025, according to the county’s public health department.

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“There has been a dramatic shift in a decade from heroin to fentanyl, and from injecting to smokin—that is how people are consuming substances, and if we want to keep providing public health services for people who consume substances, we have to be adapting to that,” Banta-Green said.

Smoking from dirty or broken pipes, or using cheap, thin foil as a smoking surface, both pose their own safety risks, such as facial wounds and burns—making it a good idea for drug users to replace pipes and only use thick, high-quality foil. But coming in for safer supplies has another benefit, ADAI’s research found: It keeps people from injecting drugs, which is much riskier and can lead to abscesses, infections, and collapsed veins.

At needle exchange sites that didn’t offer smoking supplies, participants were far more likely to have injected drugs (70 percent) than at sites that offered smoking supplies (35 percent), according to the survey. At those same sites, 83 percent of participants said they would “like to get free, clean pipes or foils to smoke opioids, cocaine, or meth,” and 75 percent of the people who injected drugs but were interested safer smoking supplies said they would “inject less often”  if smoking supplies were available.

“All of the evidence points to the same thing, which is when you make smoking supplies available, people will inject less, and if you take smoking supplies away, people will start injecting more,” Banta-Green said.

The county council is scheduled to vote on the full supplemental budget next Tuesday.

human services, King County

County Human Services Director Calls Councilmember’s Contract Approval Proposal an “Overstep”
King County Councilmember Rod Dembowski

By Erica C. Barnett

King County Councilmember Rod Dembowski has proposed an amendment to the county’s budget that Department of Community and Human Services director Susan McLaughlin said will have “devastating impacts” on the county’s ability to deliver services through Best Starts for Kids, a countywide levy that pays for child care subsidies, mental health support, after-school programs, and other services for parents and kids.

An explosive audit last year found poor financial oversights, waste, and potential fraud in four Best Starts programs, and a followup investigation by the county’s ombuds office found that fraud, waste, and abuse “in some cases likely occurred” and that conflicts of interest were common.

Many of the community groups DCHS decided to contract with during and after the pandemic were considered “high risk” because were completely new to government contracting; the audit focused on these programs, according to DCHS Director Susan McLaughlin, “because issues had been raised around them” within DCHS. In April, the county auditor found that DCHS had made significant progress on audit recommendations, improving training and awareness.

Dembowski’s amendment would require DCHS to send a “notification letter” to the county council every time the department executes or amends any of the hundreds of Best Starts for Kids grants and contracts. Amendments can involve contract extensions, additional funds, or changes to underlying “boilerplate” county contract documents that require edits to many contracts at once.

Each letter would have to certify that the contractor has adequate staff and systems to both administer county programs and report back regularly on outcomes; that the grant advances BSFK goals and has measurable outcomes; and that neither the agency receiving the grant nor of its leaders or managers has ever been involved in financial misconduct, among other requirements.

McLaughlin, who was appointed permanent DCHS director this afternoon, called the proposal an “overstep” that would likely add months of additional process to each Best Starts for Kids contracts without meaningfully increasing oversight of the programs.

“I can certainly understand what the intention is behind this kind of legislation, but honestly, that amended amendment is not only unprecedented, but would really have devastating impacts on DCHS, on Best Starts for Kids, and our ability to deliver on the work,” she told me on the latest episode of Seattle Nice, where we interviewed the DCHS director about the audit and other issues.

“The administrative burden alone would be enormous. I mean, we’re talking about hundreds of contracts, because it includes not only new contracts, but any amendment. … So you’re talking about delays of potentially up to a couple of months in the work, for in my opinion, very little gain.”

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Although Dembowski’s specific proposal did not come up during a public hearing on McLaughlin’s appointment last week, Councilmember Claudia Balducci pushed back on Councilmember Rhonda Lewis’ suggestion that the county is currently overcorrecting in response to the audit and investigation findings. “I just feel I have to say in this moment that we have a problem with how the public perceives us right now, and I don’t believe we should be talking about overcorrection when we have not yet corrected that problem,” Balducci said.

Earlier this year, Dembowski proposed adding a new layer of oversight for DCHS by funding an Office of the Inspector General—in addition to the county auditor and ombuds—to investigate and look into complaints about contractors themselves.

Dembowski did not respond to requests for comment Monday and Tuesday, but we’ll update this post if we hear back.

homelessness, King County, Mayor Wilson

Regional Homelessness Agency Says King County and Seattle Owe It $8 Million
KCRHA associate director William Towey at last week’s King County Council briefing

By Erica C. Barnett

Seattle and King County owe the King County Regional Homelessness Authority around $8 million, KCRHA associate director William Towey told the County Council’s committee of the whole last week, referring to the $8 million in spending that, according to a forensic audit, “could not be reconciled” by auditors and “may have to be written off.” The $8 million made up the bulk of more $13 million the homelessness agency had either overspent or could not account for when Clark Nuber released its forensic audit in April.

“Basically, these are the funds that we should have billed to King County in the city of Seattle, and that we didn’t, and we are in the process, in phase one, of completing a cash accounting, which will help us identify what the amounts of those funds are and who they accrue to,” Towey said. A KCRHA spokesperson confirmed that the agency doesn’t know the exact amount they failed to bill for and how much they believe they are owed by the city and county, respectively.

Towey attended the council meeting without KCRHA CEO Kelly Kinnison, who was on a family vacation.

Committee vice-chair Claudia Balducci expressed incredulity that King County may be expected to pay KCRHA additional money, on top of its regular funding and whatever it will cost to untangle the agency’s finances and fix the most critical issues outlined in the audit.

Even if the city and county decide to take over control of the region’s homelessness contracts and shut down the agency, they could end up spending millions winding it down; already, the city and county have committed to funding a team of outside accountants, and KCRHA’s finance committee has recommended hiring seven new staff despite a hiring freeze.

“Did I hear you correctly to say that KCRHA believes that King County and Seattle owe the agency money, and if so, how much?” Balducci asked.

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“Yeah, you heard me correctly,” Towey responded. At some point between 2021 and mid-2025, the years the audit covered, “a situation occurred where we expended funds to providers and failed to bill either the city of Seattle or King County for those expenses,” Towey said.

It’s “not great,” Balducci responded, “that there was an $8 million that was unaccounted for, that now will have to come out of the backs of our taxpayers.”

A spokesperson for King County Executive Girmay Zahilay told PubliCola KCRHA has not provided a bill breaking down what the county “owes” the homelessness agency, but is supposed to complete an initial calculation of its outstanding accounts receivable by June 22.

“Failing to properly bill the city and county does not result in the city and county owing KCRHA $8M,” the spokesperson said. “Because the receivables have not yet been validated or tied to specific costs, it is too early to determine whether there is an existing County funding source or account available to pay any portion of the amount.”

Towey suggested that the $8 million that remains accounted for is as much the county and city’s responsibility as the KCRHA’s, because the two governments should have noticed that KCRHA wasn’t billing them and taken action to make them do so.

“Again, I tend toward being generous, but if I have a great relationship with a vendor, and I want them to come work on my business regularly, and they bill me every month, and I notice that they fail to bill me for some funding, I would probably try and correct that myself,” Towey said.  “Now, that is in no way meant to say that this is not our fault,” he added.

As he and Kinnison have done previously, Towey downplayed the audit findings, saying that since Kinnison was hired, the agency has addressed or is in the process of addressing most of the major issues Clark Nuber identified, such as poor financial management and potential misuse of “cash-equivalent” funds,  as credit cards and gift cards. “In the grand scheme of what this is about, these are relatively small dollar amounts,” he said. (Clark Nuber has strongly disputed the KCRHA’s positive spin on its findings, and urged the city, county, and KCRHA governing board to closely verify every claim from the agency, given its history of failing to follow through on commitments.)

Towey also suggested that the vast majority of the problems the auditors identified were long in the past, resulting largely from inept past leaders, early mistakes, and efforts to respond to homelessness quickly during the COVID pandemic. In “hindsight,” he said, people will look back and say, ‘”Gosh, that could have been done a bit more efficiently, but again the expenses are clearly to the right people for the right things.”

Balducci was taken aback by at the blithe tone of Towey’s presentation, which she called “completely at odds with where my constituents are,” Balducci said. “My constituents think that we are done with this organization. … As policymakers, we all own part of how we got here today. We made some decisions that in retrospect we probably should have done differently. But here we are, and I’m just afraid that this is a sinking ship, and regardless of all the work that’s going in, it feels like fiddling on the Titanic.”

Balducci was “shocked,” she added, that Kinnison didn’t make time to attend the meeting of “one of the organizations that’s going to decide the future” of the agency she leads. “That’s not a good look.”

Committee member Rod Dembowski, who was among the first councilmembers to call for dismantling the KCRHA, seemed more impressed by Towey’s presentation, noting that he had worked with Towey when he was head of Lake City Partners, a North Seattle homelessness agency.

“And so I would just say, William, I’m glad you’re over there at KCRHA, and I hope that your time there is short, and that we can get you over here at the county when that’s done,” Dembowski said.

In response to PubliCola’s questions about whether and how the city will pay the money KCRHA says it owes, a spokesperon responded, “The City, County and KCRHA are in conversation about how to resolve this and other on-going financial management issues at the agency, starting with embedding a financial firm this summer.”

 

City Council, Civil Rights, homelessness, Mayor Wilson, public safety

This Week on PubliCola: June 13, 2026
Upheaval at the Mayor’s Office, KCRHA Gets a Lifeline, SPD Hiring Surges, and nine other PubliCola stories you may have missed this week

By Erica C. Barnett

Monday, June 8

Morning Fizz: Wilson Backs Down on Tenant Protection Rollbacks

Fire Department Funding Plan Fizzles

Privacy Advocates Push Back on Surveillance During World Cup

Three stories in this week’s first Morning Fizz.

First up: Mayor Katie Wilson, who had been considering rollbacks to tenant protections requested by local affordable housing developers, has decided not to propose changes to the just cause ordinance that would have made it easier for landlords to evict tenants with three day’s notice and made it harder for renters to take in roommates and family members.

Second, a proposal to address the city’s budget deficit by moving much of the Fire Department’s funding onto a special taxing district—a story PubliCola broke last month—is dead, after the firefighters’ union declined to get on board with the mayor’s plan.

Finally, privacy advocates who supported Wilson’s campaign expressed skepticism at the mayor’s claim that she has seen evidence of a “credible threat” that justified turning surveillance cameras on at the stadiums during the World Cup games.

Tuesday, June 9

Seattle Turned on the Surveillance Cameras Before It Wrote the Rules

In a guest op/ed, anti-surveillance advocate Phil Mocek argued that Wilson decided to turn on police surveillance cameras near the stadiums before the city has even come up with rules for when and how surveillance will be deployed throughout the city.

City, County Plan to “Embed” Consultant to Address Financial Issues at Homelessness Agency

After a flurry of discussions last week, the city and county pulled back on a planned announcement that they would be taking over the homelessness contracts currently managed by the King County Regional Homelessness Authority. Instead, Mayor Wilson and King County Executive Girmay Zahilay announced plans to “embed” a consulting team at the agency to work on addressing financial issues identified in a recent forensic audit.

Wednesday, June 10

New Council Legislation Could Make Your Utility Bills Cheaper

Seattle City Councilmember Dan Strauss is proposing legislation that would expand eligibility for the city’s utility discount program to people at higher income levels over the next few years. Tenants without their own City Light accounts whose landlords use “ratio utility billing systems,” or RUBS, will continue to be ineligible for the discount program.

Auditor: KCRHA’s Corrective Action Plan Fails to Take Audit Findings Seriously

Responding to a “corrective action plan” KCRHA proposed to address the findings in a recent (devastating) forensic audit, the auditors urged local leaders to be skeptical of the KCRHA’s claims. The KCRHA has adopted a fairly dismissive attitude toward the audit, suggesting that most of the serious financial issues identified in the audit have been corrected, are being corrected, or resulted to forces outside their control; the auditors strongly disagree.

Thursday, June 11

Another Upheaval on Mayor Wilson’s Staff as Communications Director Departs

In a staff shakeup that PubliCola has heard won’t be the last, Mayor Wilson asked her communications director, Seferiana Day, to step down, and announced a major overhaul of her org chart (though no new hires). Sources said there’s an ongoing debate over who’s to blame for bad (or a lack of positive) press—the comms team or the mayor and her policy staff.

Friday, June 12

Morning Fizz: Police Chief Says No Plan to Slow Hiring Amid Budget Crunch

City Attorney Says “SOAP Orders Don’t Work” at Aurora Ave. Safety Event

At an event outside Council Chambers to announce actions the city is taking to address gun violence and sex trafficking on Aurora (including street closures and taking back guns from people accused of being involved in shootings), Police Chief Shon Barnes said the department has no plans to slow down on hiring, despite a budget presentation showing that SPD is on track to hire more new officers than it has funding to pay for.

During the same event, City Attorney Erika Evans took a strong position against Stay Out of Areas of Prostitution banishment orders—a bold position in a crowd of SOAP advocates, including the original SOAP sponsor, former councilmember Cathy Moore.

There was some backstage drama surrounding the event, which was originally planned as a council event excoriating the mayor for her lack of action on Aurora. Council-mayor relationships, which range from chilly to hostile, haven’t improved; lately, the council has been refusing invitations to mayoral press conferences as a kind of protest against Wilson’s tendency to announce big initiatives without talking to them first.

Afternoon Fizz:

Union Urges Wilson to Act After Investigation into Civil Rights Director Concludes

KCRHA Proposes 7 New Hires

Two more stories to close out the week. First, PROTEC17, the union that represents workers at the city’s Office for Civil Rights, urged Mayor Wilson to dismiss OCR Director Derrick Wheeler-Smith after an investigation into widespread misconduct claims affirmed at least some of the allegations staff made against the director earlier tthis year.

The KCRHA’s finance committee recommended making seven new hires at the beleaguered agency, despite a recommendation from the city, county, and auditors that the agency institute a hiring freeze.