public disclosure

KCRHA CEO Sought to Shield Records From Public Disclosure, Emails Suggest
Screenshots from emails between KCRHA CEO Kelly Kinnison and an IT manager, edited for emphasis.

By Erica C. Barnett

King County Regional Homelessness Authority CEO Kelly Kinnison sought to exempt many of her emails from public disclosure last year, emails obtained through a Seattle records request and provided to PubliCola suggest.

In emails last October, Kinnison asked an IT staffer to change her email settings so that only he had “unfettered access” to her emails, directed the same staffer to establish “sensitivity labels” that would ensure they didn’t show up in records requests, and used “protected messages,” accessible only with a password, to communicate with board members and Seattle and King County staff.

The emails indicate that the IT manager gave Kinnison the ability to use labels like “deliberative” in Microsoft Purview in order to exempt emails from public disclosure requests, and that he was asked if it he could change internal search settings so that Kinnison’s email could not be searched at all.

“As I mentioned before, we aren’t able to restrict access in Purview so that only one email address cannot be searched,” the IT manager told the KCRHA’s HR director, Irwin Batara, in an  October 2025 email that Batara forwarded to Kinnison.

“I can, however, set up Sensitivity Labels within Microsoft so that labeled emails and/or documents with a ‘deliberative’ label can be excluded from public record searches (removing the ‘deliberative’ label would subject that file to public records requests as normal). This would allow searches to continue while still remaining compliant with the Public Records Act.”

“Please do have Derke [sic] set up the sensitivity label he proposes,” Kinnison told the HR director. “That seems like a great idea. It won’t address incoming messages though.”

The state Public Records Act requires public agencies, such as the KCRHA, to make almost all records available upon request, with narrow exemptions that include information an agency provides an attorney for the purpose of securing legal assistance and drafts of legislation and internal discussions about policy development. (Such “deliberative” records automatically become public as soon as the deliberation is over.) Beyond the narrow exemptions in the PRA, all public employee emails are public records, and anyone can request any or all of them.

Simply labeling a record “deliberative,” “personnel-related,” or “attorney-client privileged” does not exempt it from public disclosure.

Kinnison’s emails suggest that she attempted to obtain—and may have received—internal exemptions that go far beyond what is allowed under state law. If so, this calls into question the KCRHA’s compliance with the PRA for records requests filed at KCRHA after last October, including several filed by PubliCola.

The KCRHA did not substantively respond to most of the two dozen questions PubliCola sent earlier this week. A spokesperson did say, however, that the agency “complies with the Public Records Act when processing and responding to records requests. We support the public’s right to access records and transparency, while also applying any exemptions required or permitted under the law. We do not automatically or otherwise limit disclosure of responsive records.”

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On October 16, Kinnison sent an urgent email to the personnel committee of the KCRHA’s governing board, along with a KCRHA attorney, Batara, and IT manager Derek Montes titled “Possible System Breach.” In it, she suggested that the agency’s public disclosure officer went beyond the bounds of the public disclosure act when reviewing an anonymous public records request (PRR) for emails about layoffs that were then forthcoming.

In processing the request, Kinnison wrote, the public disclosure officer—who was not included on any of the emails we reviewed— “pulled a very large export file of my emails.” (Emphasis in original). The search also “included key words that were not part of the PRR, such as ‘budget cuts’ and ‘leadership structures.'”

For these reasons, Kinnison wrote, “I have concerns that the PRR search request was used to explore my email beyond the public request and to download my emails, and also that the public request was limited to my inbox.” Public records requesters are not required to provide keywords and public disclosure officers are supposed to fulfill requests as liberally as possible, using their expertise and training to determine how to respond to each request.
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The emails PubliCola reviewed provided no evidence that the public disclosure officer downloaded emails unrelated to the records request in order to “explore” them. The KCRHA spokesperson declined to explain further, calling the exchange a “personnel matter” that “does not have an impact on the specifics of PRA responses which are fully compliant with the statute.”

In the same email, Kinnison referred to a “directive” from the KCRHA governing board’s personnel committee “to limit unfettered access to my email to Taj Wallace (Chief of Staff to the CEO) and Derek Montes (IT Manager),” a decision that appears to have locked the KCRHA’s public disclosure officer out of the CEO’s email account. The KCRHA did not respond to questions about the to limit access to Kinnison’s emails, but denied that the public disclosure officer has been completely cut out of the public records response process.

In the same thread later that evening, Kinnison wrote, “I have taken the step of securing our data by limiting system access to the IT Manager. We will continue to gather information on what may have occurred.”

If an IT manager or Kinnison’s chief of staff was (or is) in charge of doing initial searches to determine which emails are subject to, or exempt from, disclosure, it would raise questions about how records were excluded and why. Any restriction that limits a public disclosure officer’s access to a public agency’s emails would raise similar questions. IT managers may have the technical ability to search through emails using keywords, but they do not have the specialized expertise of public disclosure officers, who must be certified (and routinely recertified) to serve in that position.

The Washington Association of Public Records Officers includes a guide on its website for conducting a thorough public records search.

In a followup email to Batara on October 22, Montes responded to several questions, which appear to have originated with Kinnison, about the records search that initiated the seeming scramble to restrict access to Kinnison’s emails.

The IT manager, apparently serving as a go-between for the KCRHA’s public disclosure officer, confirmed that the Public Records Act requires public disclosure officers to interpret requests liberally, rather than limiting themselves to specific staffers or keywords provided by a requester. He also said the public disclosure officer’s search returned such a large number of emails because she had to come up with search terms that might produce emails about layoffs. “Once records were reviewed, they were deleted from her computer,” Montes wrote.

The emails PubliCola reviewed also included a “protected message” from Kinnison to personnel committee members on October 23  titled “PREDECISIONAL DRAFT RE: Budget and Organizational recommendations.” If this “protected” email was deliberative, it would likely no longer be so, since KCRHA adopted its 2026 budget in February. The KCRHA spokesperson did not respond to questions about why Kinnison used password protection or how widespread the practice has been at the agency, saying only that the KCRHA did not believe such emails are exempt from disclosure.

A final email from Kinnison, about the resignation of staffer Xochitl Maykovich last August, was labeled “CONFIDENTIAL-ATTORNEY CLIENT COMMUNICATION.” The August 25 email is directed at the governing board and a handful of staffers. It includes Maykovich’s resignation email and Kinnison’s description of the email, which warns that Maykovich “has gone on the record with journalist Erica Barnett and we are expecting a story to be published today.” (And so it was.) The email does not request or contain legal advice or assistance—the standard for attorney-client privilege—but it is cc’d to two attorneys. Maykovich has not taken any legal action related to her resignation, though she did sue the agency in June—for alleged violations of the Public Disclosure Act.

Affordability, City Council, housing, Mayor Wilson, Police, Taxes

Mayor Katie Wilson Says She’s “Doing a Reset” on Housing Agenda, “Very Hopeful” About Police Chief

In Part 2 of our interview, the mayor talks about the police chief and potential cuts to SPD’s budget, the future of the city’s CARE alternative first responder team, and what’s happening with her affordability agenda.

By Erica C. Barnett

PubliCola sat down this week with Mayor Katie Wilson to talk about how her agenda is going at six months in. This is Part 2 of our interview, which took place at City Hall on Tuesday morning. Read Part 1 here.

PubliCola (ECB):  Let’s shift gears to SPD. You decided to keep Police Chief Shon Barnes when you came in. You said you’re going to evaluate his performance and decide how to proceed. Have you made any progress on that evaluation?

Mayor Katie Wilson (KW): I am very hopeful about the relationship that Chief Barnes and I are building, and the work that we’re doing with Chief Barnes and SPD, especially around neighborhood of policing models.

ECB: So are you planning to keep him on as chief?

KW: I’m not making an announcement right now. [Pauses]. Yes, I’m retaining Chief Barnes, and we’re working on a number of things.

ECB: Are you concerned by any of the stuff that has come out on PubliCola and elsewhere about anti-LGBTQ statements and actions by Barnes, his deputies, and SPD officers, and the culture of SPD in general?

KW: Absolutely. And that’s one of the things that we’re working on. I think obviously SPD is a complicated department with a complicated history, and I also don’t think that leadership change changes that. So there’s really deep work that needs to happen within the department, and I’m confident that through a partnership with Chief Barnes, we can make some progress.

ECB: Barnes has said a few times now that he plans to keep hiring at the same pace even though the department’s own budget director said SPD will have to slow down hiring to stay within the budget. Councilmember Bob Kettle has said the same thing. At the same time, I’ve heard that you asked SPD to come up with $20 million in cuts. What would that level of cut look like, and what will you do if the police chief disagrees and keeps hiring?

KW: I’m the mayor. This is ultimately direction that’s coming from my office. We have not directed SPD to slow hiring at this point, and we are working with them very closely with the aim of making sure that they remain within their budget for this year,

ECB: And will there be budget cuts to SPD next year?

KW: We have asked all departments, including SPD, to model cuts, and we’re in that deliberative budget process. There are many things, many variables, but we have asked all departments to model cuts, anticipating that all departments will need to take some kind of cut.

ECB: If you propose an actual cut, conservative media like KOMO are going to scream that you’re defunding the police. How likely is it that we’ll actually see cuts to the police budget?

KW: That’s not just up to me, that’s also up to the council. Big picture, we’re in a very challenging budget situation, where we’re facing a shortfall of $175 million. Plus, JumpStart [tax] revenues are certainly not increasing significantly. And so we’ll have to make some hard decisions across the board.

“It is an option to dig deeper into JumpStart, which means basically cuts to affordable housing. Capital gains tax is an option, but it’s not something where we would see revenue in the short term.  Obviously, raising JumpStart is also an option. We’re still working on other progressive revenue ideas, but we don’t have a silver bullet.”

ECB: Your fire district proposal would have really helped with the budget. Obviously, it’s not happening. So, what else is left? Raiding JumpStart even more?

KW: I mean, yes, it is an option to dig deeper into JumpStart, which means basically cuts to affordable housing. Capital gains tax is an option, but it’s not something where we would see revenue in the short term. It might take a couple years to get that up and running, so that doesn’t [help with] next year’s budget. Obviously, raising JumpStart is also an option. We’re still working on other progressive revenue ideas, but we don’t have a silver bullet.

For me, the bottom line is, we are going to be trying to preserve programs and services that directly serve Seattle residents, that contribute to a city that’s affordable and livable, and support our most vulnerable communities. So there’s definitely values guiding where we might choose to cut. And we’re also in the process now of talking with each council member to understand what their priorities are, the things that they would absolutely want to be preserved, so that we can try to transmit a budget where they see their priorities represented.

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ECB: What’s going to happen to the CARE Team [whose authority was sharply curtailed in the last police contract]? Do you see a way forward for them?

KW: Obviously there are constraints in the police contract, but we’ve been working with the CARE Team and with SPD, and there’s plenty of work out there. There’s plenty of people in crisis, so it’s really a matter of how do we get the CARE team to a place where they’re serving people in crisis. And I think there’s a lot of opportunities to do that, that may be in some cases outside of the 911 dispatch system. So we’re working on making sure that we’re fully utilizing that team.

ECB: CARE is integrated into the 911 dispatch system [911 is known as the CARE Department]—what would it mean to take them out of that system?

KW: I haven’t heard like the latest on what that looks like, but I know that we’ve been working with them and SPD, to try to make sure that they’re not sitting idle.

ECB: If you talk to [CARE Department Chief] Amy Barden, she would say, ‘We’re supposed to be a co-equal department with the fire and police departments, and we can’t go into parking lots‘ [because of the contract].

KW: Yeah, I’m, very, very aware.

ECB: You’ve announced legislation that would ban rental junk fees, and you decided not to move forward with proposals to change the three-day notice requirement for evictions and overturn the roommate law. You’ve also delayed changes to the Mandatory Housing Affordability program that developers say they need to move housing projects forward. The comprehensive plan update is delayed by a lawsuit, which is outside your control. Is there anything else moving forward on affordability this year?

KW: There’s so many pieces to housing. I ran on affordable and abundant housing, and the things that you need to do to advance it are legion. I think what I realized is that for a lot of constituencies on the outside, they want to see more of a vision on housing, and when we’re moving forward with just one piece, then people look at that and they’re like, ‘Oh, that’s your vision on housing, but what about this, what about this, what about this?’ And it kind of accentuates that feeling of, ‘Why weren’t we brought in?’

“In this very difficult budget process, I think the fight is going to be over how to retain funding for existing food security programs at the city. There was a lot that was added in the last budget cycle as one-time, like the expansion of Fresh Bucks, so we are going to have to figure out in this budget how to maintain those.”

So I think what we’re trying to do here is a little bit of a reset, where we can set a table, bring people in, and look at what is it going to take to accelerate housing, from the private market all the way to affordable housing and permanent support housing. Including people’s concerns about displacement, which are totally valid. We’re going to keep it a tight process, but what I’m hoping will come out of that is a little bit more of, ‘Here’s our work plan on housing for the next four years.’ And so that is a process that we’re about to embark on that I think will give us a more coherent vision for housing affordability.

When I think about affordability, housing is core, obviously, but food is a big part of this. Free preschool lunches—I think that’s a really impactful investment that we’re making. Honestly, in this very difficult budget process, I think the fight is going to be over how to retain funding for existing food security programs at the city. There was a lot that was added in the last budget cycle as one-time, like the expansion of Fresh Bucks, so we are going to have to figure out in this budget how to maintain those.

Obviously, the FEPP levy implementation included significant expansions of subsidized child care and preschool program that are certainly affordability investments. I think there’s a larger conversation around child care, which is also not just about subsidy, but also about the supply side, and what it takes to open and operate childcare. We’re working with the business community on what they’re doing to facilitate childcare. That’s a conversation that I think we’re going to be teeing up before the end of the year, but it’s not going to result in policy before the end of the year.

ECB The best thing about the World Cup for me, and I think for a lot of people, has been being able to just walk around in Pioneer Square without cars, and there’s food trucks and there’s excitement and there’s people, and it’s just a vibe. So have you given any thought to taking some of the lessons from that experience, like pedestrianizing the streets, or allowing food trucks, or any of the other things that have made downtown an exciting place to be over these past few weeks?

KW: I think that the last few weeks in Seattle have been amazing, and people are discovering their city anew, and we’ve been doing a lot of thinking about how do we keep that momentum going, how do we do more of this? Obviously, I’m a big fan of pedestrianizing spaces, and I think that the vitality of our city depends on having of people-centered spaces where people can go and hang out and go to restaurants and all that. So yeah, we’re thinking about how we can carry that forward, and I don’t have any specific plans to announce right now, but we’re working on that.

City Council, education, Mayor Wilson

Council Proposal Would Delay Universal School Lunch Program, Fund Means-Tested Food Vouchers Instead
Hanan Sherka, a youth and community organizing coordinator at the food-justice nonprofit FEEST. Seattle Channel screenshot

By Erica C. Barnett

When I spoke to Mayor Katie Wilson on Tuesday, one of the key accomplishments she name-checked was her proposal to provide universal free meals for all students at Seattle Public Schools, which she announced—alongside SPS superintendent Ben Shuldiner—two months ago. Part of Wilson’s Families, Education, Preschool, and Promise (FEPP) levy implementation plan, the program would cost about $3 million a year and would eliminate the stigma of the current free-meal program while establishing food as a basic right for Seattle schoolchildren. (Voters passed the FEPP levy last year.)

Later that same day, City Council President Joy Hollingsworth threw this achievement into question, proposing an amendment (co-sponsored by Councilmember Dionne Foster) that would eliminate funding for free school breakfasts and lunches for at least the first year of the levy to fund a new, means-tested vouchers for low-income kids to get meals during holiday breaks during the school year and on weekends. That program would cost $500,000 year, funded by spreading the $3 million one-year cost for universal meals over the six-year levy term.

Like Wilson’s original plan, Hollingsworth’s proposal assumes the statewide millionaire’s tax will pay for universal school meals after the 2027-2028 school year.

In a statement to PubliCola, Wilson said, “I included universal school meals as a core priority in the FEPP Levy Implementation and Evaluation Plan because no child should be expected to learn while hungry. This is a basic human need that reflects a core value of the people in this city. K-12 education is free and universal and the basic nutrition you need to be ready to learn should be free and universal too.

“We estimate that families will save roughly $1,200 per year through this program,” Wilson continued. “Students and families at schools that don’t currently offer universal school meals are counting on us to deliver this for them this school year.”

At a FEPP Committee meeting on Wednesday, Hollingsworth said her amendment was a matter of racial justice for Southeast Seattle, where food insecurity is highest in the city and where there is only one food bank that receives state and federal funding for emergency food assistance.

“I wanted to put this out here for conversation, for us to have a really, really intentional conversation about equity,” Hollingsworth said.

Foster, likewise, argued that feeding the poorest kids should take priority over providing meals to all kids, including those who wouldn’t qualify for free or reduced-price meals under the current means-tested program.

“I am so committed to making sure that our kids, our babies, our students aren’t going hungry in our city, and I think what we are trying to put forward in this amendment is a question and conversation about what is the right way to approach that,” Foster added.

“It’s not about the concept of gutting universal free school lunch. It’s about, we have low-income kids, kids who are qualified for free and reduced lunch … who are also going hungry during school breaks, during week during weekends.”

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Public commenters who spoke to the amendment were overwhelmingly opposed to the tradeoff Hollingsworth and Foster are proposing, arguing that requiring parents to prove they’re poor enough to qualify for food vouchers would perpetuate the stigma that surrounds poverty. The voucher proposal, several noted, would exclude kids whose families are just above the income cutoff—less than $60,000 for a family of four—and those who don’t fill out the paperwork to prove they qualify.

“Even if all students who qualify were to apply and use the program, a family of four or two adults are working full time, making just minimum wage would not qualify for free or reduced lunch,” said Hanan Sherka, a youth and community organizing coordinator at the food-justice nonprofit FEEST. Quoting a student at Chief Sealth High School, Sherka continued, “‘Need is defined very narrowly, and universal school lunch would unburden many families who don’t qualify, but are still struggling financially in the current economic climate.'”

Lilliane Ballesteros, the executive director of Latino Community Fund of Washington State, told the council that means-tested programs create barriers to participation, and “we see that when barriers are set up, families suffer. When families face administrative barriers, they do not access the food and resources they need, and students do not thrive.”

Wednesday’s meeting was the first opportunity for councilmembers to explain their proposed changes to Wilson’s proposed implementation plan; the 11 council amendments just became public late Tuesday afternoon.

Rob Saka was the only councilmember to sound a note of alarm about the food-voucher proposal. Saka said that while what Hollingsworth and Foster are ” trying to do here is is expand the pie … I’m just concerned about the potential delay [to universal meals], and what that portends for affordability, what that portends for stigma, social stigma for students, [and] what that portends for the long-term educational readiness of our future workforce.”

City Council, homelessness, Mayor Wilson, Media

Mayor Katie Wilson at Six Months In: “Incredibly Proud of What We’re Accomplishing”

The mayor talks about her shelter plan, encampment sweeps, why news vouchers aren’t happening this year, and more.

By Erica C. Barnett

PubliCola sat down this week with Mayor Katie Wilson to talk about how her agenda is going at six months in, what she’s learned from the setbacks and conflicts she’s encountered (like early, still-reverberating missteps with the city council), and how she plans to deal with this year’s $175 million budget deficit. Will the city’s shelter expansion continue? Will Wilson propose cutting the police budget? Can the schism between the mayor and the city council be repaired? We discussed all of that and much more on Tuesday morning in Wilson’s office at City Hall.

This is Part 1 of our interview; look for Part 2 later today.

PubliCola (ECB): I want to start with a big-picture question: You’re a little over six months in. What’s the most surprising challenge that you’ve encountered so far?

Mayor Katie Wilson (KW): I hate questions like this!

ECB: I’m not giving you a ‘Rate yourself from A to F’ question! It’s your first time in elected office—I just want to know what has surprised you so far.

KW: I’m not sure how surprising this is, but one thing that I’ve been reflecting on is just the tension—and I think that this is a tension which is maybe unique to people coming in with an ambitious progressive left agenda— the tension between wanting to get things done fast, wanting to get results, wanting to cut through the Seattle process, and people and organizations and communities that are like, ‘wait, wait, ask me.’ It’s not surprising in retrospect, but I just didn’t have a lot of time to think about it coming in. It was more like, ‘Okay, we’re here, what can we do?’

ECB: There was some tension with the city council, obviously, early on, like after things kind of hit a wall on your shelter legislation. Have you recalibrated at all?

KW: Well, I wouldn’t say we hit a wall on the shelter stuff at all.

ECB: I’m talking specifically about the conflict with the council—

KW: I mean, we’ve moved on since then, and we got our three pieces of legislation through, right?

ECB: I’m curious if there’s anything that you learned from that experience.

KW: Well, I certainly think that coming in, setting up a new mayoral administration, you’re bringing in 40-some people, assembling a new office, figuring out how to organize yourselves, and so we definitely were slow to staff and figure out our council relations. And so that that was a learning process. We definitely made some missteps, and in retrospect, should have put a lot more focus on that at the outset—[figuring out] what we needed to do in order to build a really good relationship with each council office.

Some of the shelter thing, I think, was that tension between ‘we need this stuff to happen, so let’s just send it down,’ the urgency of trying to start standing up shelter, and not having an entirely thorough understanding—or more, just not having had time to establish our council relations strategy in a really good way. So I think, in retrospect, we did that poorly, and certainly we’re learning from that and trying to try and do better.

“It’s a tension within myself, as someone who’s coming in from an organizing background, wanting to shake things up and get things done. But also, in order to do that in a way that works and that’s sustainable, you actually need to know how the city works. You need to not burn things down in a bad way.”

ECB: Without getting too philosophical, do you think that some of the growing pains—I can feel you getting ready to disagree with the term ‘growing pains,’ but I think there have been growing pains—

KW: I’m not gonna argue that term. I mean, look, I’ve never been the mayor before, and I think anyone coming into this job, even having been an elected official, even having had previous experience as the executive director of an organization, there’s gonna be a steep learning curve. There’s nothing like being the mayor of a major city—just the pace and the number of things coming at you.

ECB: There seems to be a tension between people in your administration who are government veterans, who are like, ‘This is how the process works, and this is what you do, and this is how you compromise in advance so you can get things through’—and then people who worked on your campaign, who are saying ‘We were elected to do these things, we need to do them fast. How is that tension playing out, and is it causing problems?

KW: There is a tension, and I think it’s a productive tension and an inevitable tension. And it’s a tension within myself, as someone who’s coming in from an organizing background, wanting to shake things up and get things done. But also, in order to do that in a way that works and that’s sustainable, you actually need to know how the city works. You need to not burn things down in a bad way. And so, yeah, that tension exists within my office, and I think that’s healthy, and that’s I think why ultimately we’re going to be successful.

And I’m really proud of the things that we’ve accomplished in these first six months. We’ve had a lot of headwinds. We came in with ICE scares, and we had to stand up our federal response work really fast. We moved $4 million out to the community. We had to immediately figure out the library levy and transmit that to council. Our [Families, Education, Preschool, and Promise levy] implementation got free school meals, which was not easy. (After our interview on Tuesday, City Council President Joy Hollingsworth introduced an amendment to the that would delay universal free meals and use the funding instead on vouchers for kids from low-income families to get meals on weekends and holidays during the school year).

We got the Graham Street Station to affordability on Sound Transit. We’ve transmitted a Seattle Transit Measure package that will expand transit at a time when many jurisdictions in the country are pulling back on public transit, when gas is many dollars a gallon. We’re painting bus lanes on Denny. We got our rapid shelter expansion work off the ground. We’ve opened with one big new shelter, which has been key to the success of the Pioneer Square efforts that [Purpose Dignity Action] and others have led [during the World Cup]. And we have a number of additional shelters that are going to be opening up in over the course of the rest of this year.  Obviously, we’ve had to deal with the KCRHA and everything going on there. We launched Taller, Denser, Faster. We transmitted [rental] junk fee legislation, and you know what, we’re the most successful World Cup host city in America.

We are learning a lot, and obviously, there are things that, in hindsight, we could have done better, and are going to do better moving forward, but I’m incredibly proud of what we’re accomplishing.

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ECB: News vouchers [a funding mechanism for local news] are being pushed to next year. Can you tell me why?

KW: I am very, very excited to advance these vouchers, or News Notes. [But] we are looking ahead to a very challenging budget cycle. And we needed more time and attention to work on the policy than we thought we were going to be able to carve out in the next few months, because a lot of energy right now is going into figuring out the budget.

We need to figure out how to fund it, and there’s obviously a few different ways we can do that. We could send a small levy to the ballot, or we could try to find funding within the existing city budget. We couldn’t have gotten the policy ready in time to put a measure on the ballot this November, even if we wanted to, and it also seems like a hard narrative when you’re in the middle of cutting lots of things. So we’ll get there, but it just wasn’t in the cards [this year].

“Politically, to be like ‘We are stopping all sweeps until we have the shelter—the backlash that that would cause both among constituents and among most of my council colleagues would be such that I think we would lose the ability to actually do our shelter work.”

 ECB: You’ve taken some heat in the press for not hitting your goal of 500 new shelter beds by the World Cup. What have some of the unanticipated roadblocks been? I know that you said that goal is aspirational, but we’re at 165 or so in July.

KW: I don’t want to project exactly where we’re going to be by the end of this year, but we’re chugging away. I think there’s a question of, does it make sense to have a big number goal that then you don’t meet, and then people are like, ‘Oh, you failed.’ But we’ve already opened many times the net shelter that the last administration opened in four years.

Putting that goal out there did really give us something to focus toward, and I can see the immense amount of work that has gone on with our interdepartmental team, and all the city departments—they got together and they just hashed it out, like, ‘how do we make this happen faster, how do we make this happen more efficiently?’ And then we were able to rally not just our service provider partners, but philanthropic contributions, and so that part of it has been such a success.

We know what works. People who are really hard to serve, we can get them inside with support, and that new shelter that we opened was instrumental to the success of [the PDA’s Pioneer Square] project, and so now we’re thinking about, how do we replicate this.

ECB: The Unified Care Team, by all accounts, is doing at least as many encampment sweeps with no notice as they ever have—maybe more. I don’t think you came in wanting to be the sweeps mayor, but in some ways you are. What would you say to supporters who are disappointed that you’re still sweeping people without offering shelter and services?

KW:  I think we’re trying to strike a balance here, where the situation you’re trying to get to is one where we have shelter, we have housing, where we’re able to resolve encampments by getting people into that shelter and housing, and that is what opening up these new shelters is going to allow us to do at a much larger scale. And it is important—and I said this during the campaign—that we are maintaining high-priority public spaces for their intended uses, whether that’s a park or a sidewalk.

So there’s that answer, and then there’s also a political answer of doing this in a way that builds political will to do more. Leaving aside the question of the impacts of an encampment removal or sweep versus leaving an encampment there, leaving aside the question of how that affects people’s lives—politically, to be like ‘We are stopping all sweeps until we have the shelter, the backlash that that would cause both among constituents and among most of my council colleagues would be such that I think we would lose the ability to actually do our shelter work.

We are actively working on improving the operations of the UCT in order to get better outcomes for people living in encampments. Months ago, I asked the UCT to come up with recommendations from their experience of how they could operate differently to get better outcomes, and we’re working through those recommendations now. So we are planning to make some changes to how the UCT operates, especially as we start opening up new shelter, to try to shift that model.

ECB: I know a lot of decisions about KCRHA are in the future, so here’s a short term question about something you do have control over over. Should Kelly Kennison continue to be the leader of KCRHA??

KW: I think stability is really important. We’ve taken the steps outlined in the press conference to embed outside financial consultants, and we’re really looking at what do we need to do to make the strongest possible application for [federal Continuum of Care funds, and I think continuity of leadership is really important.

homelessness, Mayor Wilson, Police, Privacy

Wilson Turns Off Stadium Surveillance Cameras, Homeless Authority Director Tells Staff Not to Trust the Media

1. As PubliCola first reported on Bluesky yesterday, Mayor Katie Wilson is turning off the police surveillance cameras around the downtown stadiums now that the final World Cup match in Seattle is over. In an official announcement this morning, Wilson said the decision “follows through on the commitment I made last month that these particular cameras would only be turned on for the duration of the FIFA World Cup in Seattle, because of its high global profile and the unique circumstances surrounding the event.”

In March, Wilson approved the installation of the cameras but said she would not have them turned on, and connected to the Seattle Police Department’s Real Time Crime Center, unless there was a “credible threat.” After months of pressure to tur.n the cameras on before the World Cup, Wilson announced that there had been a credible threat and she was ordering SPD to turn the cameras on.

Anti-surveillance activists, who had planned a rally and press conference today demanding Wilson to turn the cameras off today, praised the decision. But they said they were still skeptical that the cameras are fully off, posting video showing a camera unit near the stadium still plugged in. Asked to clarify what Wilson meant by “off,” a spokesperson for her office said, “The cameras were turned off via a PoE (Power over Ethernet) switch. As the cameras are not receiving power, they are not operational, and not capable of recording.”

For some anti-surveillance activists, that isn’t enough; they want visual evidence that the cables have been disconnected, which would require workers to go up to each camera unit and physically disconnect the lines. Noah Williams, a Transit Riders Union member who works in cybersecurity, said one of the challenges with camera systems like SPD’s is that technical specs vary from system to system, and SPD has not shared how its cameras, which are provided by Axon, work. (The TRU, which Wilson co-founded, is part of a coalition called Community Not Cameras, which planned today’s press conference and rally).

“It is really hard to verify that the mayor’s intent is being carried out because of the nature of the way these systems are designed and installed,” Williams said.

Wilson’s spokesperson said there are “other electronics in the camera cabinets (router/modem, Linux box, a cooling fan, etc.)” and that shutting these electronics down would require the city to send out bucket trucks, costing time and money. “Regardless of the power status of any of those devices, the cameras themselves are not operational,” the spokesperson said.

Wilson said she still plans to wait until the NYU Policing Project completes its data and security audit of the surveillance camera system later this year before deciding whether to turn on the stadium cameras and put other neighborhphoods, including parts of Capitol Hill and the Central District, under camera surveillance. Cameras have remained on in other areas, including Aurora Ave. North and downtown.

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2. Late last month, Mayor Wilson and King County Executive Girmay Zahilay announced that the city and county will be taking over almost all of the region’s homeless shelter and service contracts, a change that will result in an initial 20 to 25 layoffs, according to city and county officials who briefed reporters on the “right-sizing” effort late last month.

In an all-staff email about the announcement on Friday, KCRHA CEO Kelly Kinnison didn’t focus on her employees’ understandable concerns about their jobs. Instead, she suggested that the press were wrong about the number of potential layoffs, noting that she was the only person who had control over how many people would lose their jobs.

“A lot of information is floating around in the media and among various levels of our partner organizations,” Kinnison wrote “In particular, there is much speculation about the number and timing of a KCRHA reduction in force.”

But Kinnison assured staff: They shouldn’t trust the media. “Please remember that the media frequently get facts slightly or very wrong,” she wrote. “Especially outlets with low journalistic standards with a history of one-sided, agenda-driven, or incorrect reporting.” As the outlet that has covered the KCRHA longest and most doggedly (going back to the “One Table” meetings that eventually led to the KCRHA’s formation), PubliCola stands by our years of reporting on the agency.

“As I said yesterday,” Kinnison continued, “my actions to reduce our workforce will come from discussions with Department Chiefs, HR. Protec17, and our partners and funders. I have full authority to manage our workforce to align with our budget and labor agreements short of a new resolution passed by our entire Governing Board that curbs that authority.”

A reduction of 20 to 25 staffers would represent about one third of the agency’s current 73 staff, leaving around 50 people on the agency payroll.

It seems unlikely that the layoffs will stop with the initial round. After the local contracts that made up the vast majority of its work go back to the city and county, KCRHA will be left with just a handful of official duties: Serving as the organization that applies for federal contracts, overseeing the emergency “activation” of overnight winter shelters, and conducting the Point in Time Count of the region’s homeless population next year. All Home, the organization that previously did all this work except the winter shelters, had between 7 and 10 people on staff.

Opinion, Transit

Sound Transit’s Bespoke Wayfinding System Is Unnecessarily Baffling

 

International visitors have likely never seen anything quite like it.

By Erica C. Barnett

For Sound Transit, the World Cup games could serve as a test of the changes the light-rail agency has made to its wayfinding signage over the past few years. Sound Transit has said the changes put the region’s transit agency in line with “international standards” and make the signs easier for international travelers, non-English speakers, and people with certain disabilities to understand.

But some of the new features, such as the addition of station numbers to route maps and the removal of location information from station exits, are more confusing than clarifying.

Under the new wayfinding system, each station has a three-digit numeric code that’s displayed prominently on signs at stations, transit maps, and on trains themselves. Westlake, for instance, is now rendered as “150,” indicating that riders are at station 50 on the 1 line.

State law requires some kind of station identifier that people with limited English proficiency can easily remember. Previously, Sound Transit used a series of baffling pictograms; these included two types of bird, two types of boat, and both a moose and a deer. Unfortunately, the three-digit system seems like a marginal improvement, at best, over the twee old silhouette-style images.

Sound Transit spokeswoman Amy Enbysk said numeric station codes “are commonly used in many international transit systems to support riders with limited English proficiency, as well as visitors who may not be familiar with the region,” pointing to cities like Tokyo, Seoul and Dubai that use station numbers. However, most major cities on every non-Asian continent— London to São Paolo to Thessaloniki—use names, not numbers, to identify stations, and they indicate station locations with simple dots. The more visual clutter a sign has, the more confusing it becomes.

But maybe I’m an outlier? According to Enbysk, the new three-digit identifiers tested well in focus groups and “customer feedback on the station codes has generally been positive, including requests to expand them to digital signage and onboard displays, which we have done.” It’s notable, though, that each station now includes a key—in English—explaining how to decode the new numeric system.

Sound Transit also has duplicate station numbers on each of its two lines, so someone who is navigating entirely by station numbers will also have to remember if they’re looking for, say, stop 56 is on the green line (where it’s 156) or the blue line (where it’s 256).

The potential for rider confusion is only compounded by the fact that Sound Transit now uses the terminal station for each line to identify which direction a train is going, rather than simple directions (north/south, east/west) or common destinations (“downtown Seattle”/”Airport”). Thus, a rider going downtown from Beacon Hill has to decide whether to stand on the side of the station that’s bound for “Lynnwood City Center” or “Downtown Federal Way,” with no obvious indication where these two non-destination cities are located geographically.

According to Enbysk, Sound Transit doesn’t use cardinal directions because most people tend to think in terms of “landmarks and destination,” not which way they’re headed. And they don’t use terms like “uptown/downtown” or “Seattle/Eastside” because light rail isn’t a “hub and spoke” system where the lines radiate from a central location, but a system that “services multiple major cities in the region.”

This rationale strikes me as typical Seattle exceptionalism, not an actual reason to omit basic, useful information from wayfinding signs. The New York City subway system, which serves a population 10 times the size of Seattle, has trains going in all different directions and isn’t really a hub-and-spoke system either, yet stations have simple, basic information about where to board with signs that indicate whether a train is generally going toward Brooklyn or Manhattan, for example. There’s no reason Sound Transit couldn’t do the same thing. Instead, our bespoke signage requires people to memorize the names of far-flung stations just to know what side of the platform to stand on.


Once a rider gets off the train, there may be one last hurdle before they reach their destination: Underground station exits that have been stripped of information about where each exit emerges at the surface Instead of “northwest corner of Fourth and Pine,” for instance, riders emerging at Westlake station face options like “A1,”  “A2,” “B,” and “C.”

According to Enbysk, “Exit lettering (Exit A, B, C, etc.) is another common approach used by many rail and transit systems, such as Paris, Montreal, Rio de Janeiro, and Hong Kong, as it allows signs to remain concise in constrained spaces. We are then able to provide more detailed street and landmark information on maps and exit directories.” The difference between Seattle and all the systems Enbysk mentioned is that those systems do include information about exit locations alongside their station letters (here’s Rio, for example). Seattle’s system is the only one I’ve personally encountered that eliminates all potentially helpful information from its platform-level exit signs.

(Ironically, Seattle’s exit signs are only in English. It’s not that “Exit” is hard to decipher, but exits are one area where there is an internationally adopted image that indicates “exit” no matter what language you speak, and Sound Transit doesn’t use it.)

Sound Transit’s wayfinding system seems—perhaps not without reason—like a series of well-intentioned choices made by people who don’t actually use transit regularly. As a transit rider navigating a new city for the first time, I’m generally looking for the familiar visual language shared by most transit systems in the US and worldwide—a language that prioritizes information over the visual clutter of numbers, letters, and codes.

I kind of wish Sound Transit had surveyed World Cup visitors to ask them which is easier—memorizing information like “green/1 Line toward Lynnwood City Center, get off at Station 60, Exit A1,” or “ride the 1 line toward downtown and get off at Westlake on 5th Ave”? Based on the way most of the world does wayfinding, I can guess which one they’d pick.