State legislation that would have made it a first-strike felony, rather than a misdemeanor, to pay another person for sex has been amended; under a version that passed narrowly out of committee, buying sex would be a gross misdemeanor and sex workers would get access to services in lieu of jail. Proponents of the original, harsher bill said the new version fails to crack down enough on the “demand” side of sex work, and suggested that lenient prostitution laws allowed traffickers to go unpunished.
The changes to the state law we covered Monday came partly in response to a lurid presentation by local prosecutors at a city council meeting, which included photos of identifiable, brutalized women and graphic details of assaults. Advocates for sex workers, also appalled by the presentation, issued a list of demands for the city, including a separate panel on non-carceral, humane approaches to abuse and trafficking and the inclusion of people with direct experience in policy discussions about sex work.
City Attorney Erika Evans and the ACLU of Washington announced that the ACLU is dropping its lawsuit against the city over a policy instituted by Evans’ Republican predecessor, Ann Davison, that disqualified Seattle Municipal Court Judge Pooja Vaddadi from hearing criminal cases for almost two years.
City hall veteran Ben Noble, who’s currently in his second stint as director of the city council’s policy-oriented central staff, is retiring in March after more than two decades at the city. His replacement, Lish Whitson, is another city old-timer who has worked on four comprehensive plan updates, including the upzone of Seattle’s former single-family enclaves last year.
The Seattle City Attorney’s Office settled for $29,011,000 with the family of Jaahnavi Kandula, the 23-year-old student who was struck and killed in a South Lake Union crosswalk by a Seattle Police Department officer traveling 74 miles an hour in 2023. The $11,000 is a pointed reference to a comment made by Daniel Auderer, then the vice president of the police union, that the city could just “write a check” for that amount because that’s all Kandula’s short life was worth.
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Funding for Seattle’s new social housing developer, which the City Council approved in a 7-0 vote yesterday, is coming in significantly higher than anticipated: In its first year, the developer will receive an estimated $115 million to acquire existing apartment buildings and develop new ones. The revenues mirror early returns from the JumpStart payroll tax, which is also a tax on large companies that pay high wages.
The city’s Office of the Inspector General released a report today finding that the Seattle Police Department’s actions during the anti-trans “Don’t Mess With Our Kids” rally, held by an extremist group called Mayday USA, showed a bias against counter-protesters who showed up to demonstrate against the right-wing event. After chatting amiably with security for the anti-trans group, officers began referring to protesters as “transtifa.”
On this week’s episode of the Seattle Nice podcast, David, Sandeep, and I interviewed new City Councilmember Dionne Foster. Our conversation touched on encampment removals, police surveillance cameras, the upcoming library levy, and the
The King County Regional Homelessness Authority has rescinded a $3 million grant it gave the Low Income Housing Institute to build 60 new low-barrier tiny houses outside King County’s youth detention center, claiming LIHI delayed the process by failing to secure a site in time. The money, which LIHI secured in last year’s city of Seattle budget, will now go to the Salvation Army to convert 35 of its existing transitional housing units into shelter.
LIHI Director Sharon Lee speaks at the opening of Rosie’s Tiny House Village in the University District
By Erica C. Barnett
The King County Regional Homelessness Authority has rescinded a $3 million grant it gave the Low Income Housing Institute to build 60 new low-barrier tiny houses outside King County’s youth detention center, claiming LIHI delayed the process by failing to secure a site in time.
Tiny houses are small, freestanding, heated structures that provide shelter for one or two people. Unsheltered people often prefer tiny houses to other kinds of shelter because they provide privacy and a door that locks.
The money will now go to the Salvation Army, which will use it to convert some of the existing transitional housing beds at its William Booth Center in SoDo into non-congregate emergency shelter beds, according to KCRHA. While the converted rooms are technically “new” shelter beds, they aren’t really additive, since the people living in the existing transitional housing will either have to leave or see their housing downgraded to emergency shelter.
“Without this funding, we may have had to close beds,” Salvation Army spokeswoman Sara Beksinski said.
KCRHA spokeswoman Lisa Edge said the agency “chose to prioritize speed of implementation in the competition for these funds,” KCRHA spokeswoman Lisa Edge said. “Because LIHI could not perform in the period clearly outlined for the second location, we proceeded with an award to the next highest rated applicant, the Salvation Army.”
The Salvation Army’s original application was for $1.1 million; we have a call out to find out if this is how much the KCRHA awarded them and, if so, what will happen to the rest of the funds.
The $3 million more than half the funding—nearly $6 million—LIHI worked to secure for tiny house villages in the Seattle’s 2025 budget. The other half is funding a new tiny house village in North Seattle called Olympic Hills, which opened last month. The second shelter was a joint project between LIHI and Purpose Dignity Action’s CoLEAD program, which provides temporary lodging and intensive case management to people with physical and behavioral health needs; now, CoLEAD will relocate its operation to the North Seattle village.
In late January, LIHI appealed KCRHA’s decision, pointing to the agency’s own delays in approving contracts that were funded back in 2024, and says they were blindsided by the agency’s decision to take back the funds less than three months after they sent LIHI a letter signing off on the county-owned site.
“We should ask why the KCRHA’s [Request for Proposals] process took so long, given the homelessness crisis,” LIHI director Sharon Lee wrote in her appeal. Although the city council approved the funding in late 2024, the city didn’t announce the awards until the following July. “We believe it is KCRHA, not LIHI, that delayed the overall timeline in creating two new villages.”
Lee acknowledged that LIHI experienced hiccups securing a location for the second shelter, but said King County Executive Girmay Zahilay had made it clear that securing the King County site was a high priority for his new administration. As backup, Lee said, LIHI also secured an agreement with Mount Baker Housing for a second site—the old Thunderbird Treatment Center in Rainier Beach, which the housing nonprofit plans to redevelop in about three years.
“We were excited to have the county commit to finally doing something” with tiny houses, Lee said.
The KCRHA didn’t let Zahilay know they were rescinding LIHI’s funding for the planned tiny house village at the county site, his office confirmed.
“Our office was not aware that KCRHA was going to rescind funding and award it to another provider, and we expressed disappointment that they did not update or coordinate with our administration before making this decision,” Zahilay spokeswoman Callie Craighead said.
Zahilay is currently “having initial conversations with stakeholders about the potential to site a tiny home village at the juvenile justice center property,” Craighead said. “Before a tiny home village is sited, we would need to engage with staff at the facility, see robust neighborhood outreach plans and timelines, and understand how services would be prioritized for those in need in the immediate area.”
The city’s budget didn’t explicitly grant the $6 million to LIHI, because all large contracts must go through a standard bidding process. But it was LIHI that secured the funding, working with City Councilmember Bob Kettle to add the money in 2024, with the understanding that it would fund tiny house villages or some other form of new noncongregate shelter.
In a letter rescinding KCRHA’s funds, KCRHA’s deputy director, Jeff Simms, blamed LIHI for the delays, saying the homelessness authority had already granted one extension to give LIHI more time to nail down a location and that this violated the KCRHA’s “preference for applications that had a site located and prepared for operation.”
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But LIHI said the timeline was significantly more complex than the KCRHA was letting on, and pointed to another email from Simms, in October, saying that “LIHI has met the requirements of the [request for proposals] to have located a site for operation of a second non-congregate shelter” at the juvenile detention center or the former treatment center.
That letter did note that KCRHA might “take steps” to reallocate the money to another agency if LIHI didn’t secure a site by December. Lee says LIHI signed a letter of intent with Mount Baker Housing to lease their Rainier Beach site and sent a copy to KCRHA in mid-December, but never heard anything back until the agency rescinded their funding in January. “For a whole month, there was silence, until they yanked the contract,” Lee said.
KCRHA CEO Kelly Kinnison rejected LIHI’s appeal earlier this month, and LIHI’s efforts to get city officials to intervene have been unsuccessful so far. Kettle, who got the money into the city budget back in 2024, told PubliCola, “We understand LIHI’s frustrations but also KCHRA’s need to press forward. We will work with both to move ahead on other important projects in [Council District 7] or that have important public safety impacts.”
A spokesman for Mayor Katie Wilson’s office, Sage Wilson, told PubliCola, “We’re not going to comment on the details of a dispute between LIHI and KCRHA. However this situation does underscore the importance of accelerating the development of emergency shelter, which is why the mayor has already issued an executive order doing just that.”
LIHI and KCRHA have long had a tense relationship, going back to the time of founding CEO Marc Dones, who frequently clashed with Lee over funding for her projects. Lee said she isn’t done fighting over the rescission, and she’s talking to KCRHA’s governing board about what she considers overreach by Kinnison and Simms.
Meanwhile, she said, “We are going to continue to develop tiny house villages, because we know that the mayor is very supportive and we think there are going to be other opportunities for us.” LIHI just opened a new tiny house village in Tukwila and is working to site a new RV safe lot, with tiny houses, in West Seattle.
Our guest for this week’s episode of Seattle Nice (don’t worry, we’ll get back to our traditional bickering format soon) is new Seattle City Councilmember Dionne Foster, who beat Position 9 incumbent Sara Nelson in a blowout last year. Foster, like fellow newcomers Eddie Lin and Alexis Mercedes Rinck (who’s been there a year), is a progressive, with a resumé and policy priorities to match.
Since Foster heads up the council’s Housing, Arts, and Civil Rights committee, we started out by talking about homelessness: How’s new Mayor Katie Wilson doing so far, and does Foster want to see fewer encampment removals?
Wilson is expected to release plans for a “shelter surge” in the coming weeks. Meanwhile, the city has continued moving unsheltered people from place to place, though now—according to Wilson’s office—in a way that attempts to “minimiz[e] harm.”
We also talked about laws passed by the previous council that increase penalties for using or possessing drugs in public, which include “stay out” orders banishing people from certain “drug areas” before they’re found guilty of any crime. Foster affirmed that she doesn’t plan to propose repealing the law, but did say she expects police to limit arrests to situations where someone poses a threat of harm to themself or others—a concept that’s codified in the law, but that remains troublingly vague.
We turned next to the Seattle Police Department’s use of 24/7 surveillance cameras, which Foster unequivocally said “should be turned off and come down.” Wilson’s office hasn’t made an announcement about the cameras yet, but Foster noted that the ones installed most recently have not been turned on yet. In addition to concerns about police surveillance generally, opponents have pointed out that the federal government can easily demand access to camera footage, putting immigrants and other vulnerable people at risk.
SPD claims the cameras deter and help them solve crimes, but has not presented specific, compelling evidence that camera surveillance helped them solved a crime that could not have been solved using other methods, including private surveillance cameras and traditional police work.
Nor, Foster noted, do they seem to address violent crime, one of SPD’s most frequent justifications for putting them around the city. “When we’re thinking about the technology matching the challenge, that’s where I see sort of a misalignment,” she said. “I do want to make sure that we’re … making sure our tools match the issues that we are trying to solve.”
We also squeezed in time to talk about the upcoming library levy, the new neighborhood centers, and former mayor Harrell’s “deeply unsustainable” budget, which sets up Wilson and the council for budget cuts—and potentially new revenue options, like a local capital gains tax.
Police form a barricade at a right-wing rally at City Hall held shortly after the “Mayday USA” event.
Police didn’t engage with community before the anti-LGBTQ event, weren’t familiar with Capitol Hill and its history, and referred to protesters as “transtifa,” the report found.
By Erica C. Barnett
The city’s Office of the Inspector General released a report today finding that the Seattle Police Department’s actions during the anti-trans “Don’t Mess With Our Kids” rally, held by an extremist group called Mayday USA last May, showed a bias against counter-protesters who showed up to demonstrate against the right-wing event. The report also found that officers didn’t understand why it was a provocation to hold an anti-LGBTQ event in Cal Anderson Park, at the heart of Seattle’s historic LGBTQ neighborhood.
Instead, the report found, police assumed that the rally organizers represented no real threat, while assuming that “‘black bloc’ and ‘antifa’ are established, hierarchical organizations intent on inciting disorder and criminal activity,” which—despite President Trump’s decision to ID “Antifa” as a “terrorist organization”—they’re not. Former mayor Bruce Harrell bolstered these assumptions after the rally, claiming any violence was caused by “anarchists” who “infiltrated the counterdemonstration to incite violence,” the report notes.
This “anticipatory defensiveness” contributed to officers’ decisions to overreact to protesters while seeing the far-right group as a mere “church group” holding a prayer event.
At the same time, the report continues, police on the scene served as de facto security for the anti-trans religious group. Cops on the scene “frequently spoke with the MayDay USA security liaison, sharing MayDay USA intelligence with SPD leadership on-scene.”
“After hearing the MayDay USA security liaison refer to counterdemonstrators as ‘transtifa,’ POET officers adopted the term which spread to other SPD personnel,” the panel, which included six community members and six representatives from SPD, found.
During the event, police deployed pepper spray and other “less lethal” weapons against demonstrators, throwing many to the ground and arresting 23 people. Police used bike rack-style barricades to prevent protesters from entering the rally area and arrested people for pushing against or knocking over the barricades, which were connected together and placed on a hill, where they were prone to tipping over.
The report was the result of a police accountability process called a Sentinel Event Review that follows major incidents, such as police shootings and protest responses that lead to injuries and arrests. A panel that included representatives from the police department, an LGBTQ organization that organized counter-programming, and impacted community members along with OIG Director Lisa Judge held three lengthy meetingsto discuss their experiences in confidence.
However, the report notes that the process was cut short after one panelist leaked details about one of the confidential meetings, preventing the panel from holding its final meeting.
According to multiple sources, Gabriel Dias, a medic who was injured by police at the protest, told Divest SPD about an incident in which SPD arrested people for releasing some of the May Day group’s balloons into the air and trying to tamper with their bubble machine.
Immediately before those arrests, Lieutenant Matthew Didier was caught on body camera telling his team they were “going in with guns blazing” and were “here to fuck people up now.”
“After three successful panel sessions, one panelist violated the agreement not to disclose specific details of the panel discussions,” the report says. “The trust necessary to continue open deliberation was broken, so the SER was discontinued prior to a final meeting to develop consensus contributing factors and recommendations.”
The violation apparently upset SPD so much that one of the police participants suggested SPD would no longer participate in sentinel event reviews, which would effectively end this kind of review.
A spokesperson for SPD said the department plans to participate in future sentinel reviews.
“We take all the recommendations from the OIG seriously, including those from its Feb. 12 report about SPD’s role at the MayDay USA event in Cal Anderson Park,” the department said in a statement. “The Department has already implemented several changes recommended in this report. One example is rebuilding community legitimacy and trust through our dialogues at the Our City, Our Safety meetings being scheduled throughout the city.”
Dias denied leaking to Divest SPD. After their report came out, they were one of many people who quoted or played the video of Didier’s incendiary comments at City Council meetings.
Although SPD has a history of ignoring SER recommendations (the new report includes many recommendations that, it observes in footnotes, SPD agreed to in the past but failed to implement), the process is one of the only opportunities for people impacted by police actions to tell SPD directly how they were affected and how police could do a better job in the future.
In one instance, according to the report, a lieutenant “apologized for the statements made and acknowledged that, in hindsight, they would have used different language.” This appears to be a reference to Didier, who was on the panel.
“The panelist noted officers did not fully understand the cultural importance of the park and the rally and were unnecessarily focused on identifying ‘bad actors.’ The panelist stated the panel discussions improved their understanding of the impact of this Event on community and the importance of community perceptions and context for future crowd management operations.”
Perhaps unsurprisingly, the report reveals a deep disconnect between SPD (whose officers typically live outside Seattle) and the communities those officers are supposed to serve. Instead of engaging with community groups, SPD looked on social media to gather intelligence on “antifa.” At the same time, police “did not seek additional intelligence about the MayDay USA group,” the extremist organization whose rally prompted counterprotests in the first place.
“[T]he strong visible presence of SPD was itself escalatory for counterdemonstrators, who felt targeted based on their identities and felt SPD was there to protect an anti-LGBTQ+ hate group in a park with historical significance for the LGBTQ+ community,” the report concludes. As an example, SPD was already coordinating with May Day organizers to press charges against counter-protesters even before the balloon incident, which culminated in arrests that violated SPD’s own crowd management policy.
“Crucial to the assessment of SPD crowd management operations for this Event is a broader understanding of the cultural context of the location and event,” the report found. “This context includes the historic over-policing of LGBTQ+ spaces, the history of Capitol Hill as a sanctuary neighborhood for LGBTQ+ communities in Seattle, as well as the current federal posture and climate of anti-transgender rhetoric and legislation.”
At the time of the protests, SPD had no LGBTQ liaison.
Three months after being sworn in as police chief, SPD Chief Shon Barnes promoted Mike Tietjen to head up Capitol Hill’s East Precinct, bypassing the acting commander, a gay lieutenant named Doug Raguso who had served in the precinct for years.
Tietjen became notorious for his actions during the CHOP protests against police violence in 2020, when he drove his SUV onto a sidewalk filled with people, laughing later about how they looked like “cockroaches” as they scattered. He received a temporary suspension and was moved to the North Precinct as punishment for that incident and several others, including the alleged harassment of a trans woman by police driving through the protest area. After PubliCola reported on Tietjen’s promotion, Barnes rescinded it and (eventually) appointed Captain Jim Britt to the position.
Barnes had previously come under fire for overseeing a dramatic crackdown on the historic LGBTQ+ nude beach at Denny Blaine Park, in which officers showed up prepared to arrest or trespass anyone who wasn’t wearing clothes.
As we reported earlier this year, Barnes’ chief of staff, Alex Ricketts, reportedly brushed off SPD’s general counsel when she advised Ricketts to Barnes to take the concerns of Seattle’s LGBTQ+ community seriously, telling her, “We’re not here for the gays.”
At a meeting of SPD’s LGBTQ Advisory Council earlier this week, Barnes reportedly blamed the Parks Department for permitting the May Day rally at Cal Anderson Park and not informing SPD about the rally until 10 days before the event. According to multiple people who were present, Barnes also claimed the Community Police Commission, an independent police accountability office at the city, had appointed people to the Sentinel Event Review panel, which a CPC staffer had to step in and correct.
In fact, according to CPC Director Eci Emeh, the CPC never got a chance to weigh in on the report or participate on the review panel, beyond forwarding the names of people who expressed an interest in serving on the panel to OIG. Contrary to reporting elsewhere, “we were not in the room,” Emeh said.
“I would have liked to see the CPC play a bigger role,” Emeh continued. “I would have liked to see the CPC be directly involved in the SER panel process—not necessarily the selection, but even being able to attend the SER panel and hear the exchanges that happened between community members and police officers.”
Mayor Katie Wilson speaks to the crowd at Tuesday’s “State of Social Housing” town hall.
With $115 million (almost) in hand, the social housing developer says it’s ready to start buying up apartments.
By Erica C. Barnett
Funding for Seattle’s new social housing developer, which the City Council approved in a 7-0 vote yesterday, is coming in significantly higher than anticipated: In its first year, the developer will receive an estimated $115 million to acquire existing apartment buildings and develop new ones. That’s more than twice the $53 million the campaign for last year’s ballot initiative, House Our Neighbors, estimated for first-year revenues last year.
On Tuesday, the City Council unanimously approved an interlocal agreement that will allow the Seattle Social Housing Developer to start spending the money to purchase and develop social housing—mixed-income apartment buildings with permanently affordable rent, governed by a board consisting primarily of renters.
“We continuetohaveoneofthemostregressivetaxsystemsinthecountryinthisstate,” Mayor Katie Wilson said at a “State of Social Housing” event at El Centro de la Raza Tuesday night, “anditisverygratifyingtoknowthatwe’regoingtobeabletousealittlebitofthatwealthandputittoworkbuildinghousing and operating housing.”
The higher-than-expected early revenues, Wilson noted, mirror what happened with the JumpStart tax, a tax Seattle’s largest businesses pay on employee compensation above a threshold that grows with inflation every year. (This year, the tax will apply to employees wages above $194,000 a year). “This city is filthy rich,” Wilson said. “Wejustkindof,like, tappedintoavein and opened a little spigot,and$400millionayear” came out.
Social housing is funded through a similarly structured tax; employers pay 5 percent of annual compensation to any employee above $1 million; for instance, if an Amazon worker makes $1,100,000 a year in wages and other compensation, such as stocks, Amazon would pay $5,000 for the portion above $1 million.
Tiffany McCoy, the interim director of the social housing developer, said that because of the funding, “hundredsofpeoplethisyearwillbenefitfromhousingthatremainspermanentlyaffordable,housingthatispubliclyownedandpasseddownthroughgenerations,housingthatworksforpeoplethatare avarietyofincomelevelsandhelpspreventthemfromfallingintohomelessness.”
McCoy was previously co-director of House Our Neighbors, the group that proposed and passed two social housing initiatives, I-137 and Proposition 1A. She became interim CEO after the developer’s board fired its original CEO, Roberto Jimenez, an affordable housing developer from California. Among other issues, HON and some board members were frustrated that Jimenez never moved to Seattle from California.
On Tuesday, McCoy noted that “naysayers” will continue to oppose the developer’s model and question whether social housing, including the developer’s model of resident governance, can work in Seattle. “Butletthemcritiqueus.Wewillcontinuetobuild,andwhetherwe’reopeningourfirst,second, tenthbuilding,ourdoorswillremainopentoall,” McCoy said.
The comparison Wilson made to the JumpStart tax is instructive—and could serve as a cautionary tale. While JumpStart continues to bring in more money each year than originally forecast, it never actually brought in $400 million in a single year; that number was an estimate for 2024 that turned out to be optimistic to the tune of $47 million.
Because the city has staked so much of its general-fund budget on the tax, which was originally earmarked for housing and small business support, big revenue fluctuations have the potential to create shortfalls that impact basic city services.
Although former mayor Bruce Harrell’s budget assumed revenues from JumpStart would quickly bounce back, it seems just as possible that they’ll keep declining: Because fewer than 500 companies pay the tax (and fewer than 10 provide the bulk of JumpStart revenues), the funding is volatile and heavily dependent on corporate decisions by companies like Amazon, which just cut thousands of employees in the Seattle area. The money coming in is still higher than the city anticipated when the council approved the tax, however.
The social housing tax applies to a much smaller number of companies (and a smaller number of employees at those companies): About 170, according to McCoy. Taxing the richest of the rich in this way makes sense from a political perspective—it’s easy to get voters to support taxes that will only affect a relative handful of the biggest corporations with the wealthiest workers—but the tax could prove even more variable than JumpStart, and the developer could see diminishing returns if companies fire workers or move them out of the city.
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At a presentation to the council’s housing committee on Wednesday, the developer’s Chief Real Estate Development Officer, Ginger Segal, said the developer plans to issue bonds this year and again in 2028, when the developer will run out of money and need to issue more. Bonds are a type of loan that a developer pays back with revenues, such as rent or public funding. The social housing developer plans to pay the bonds back at a rate of about $20 million a year, Segal said. ”
Segal said market conditions are favorable right now for the developer to focus on buying up buildings. By 2028, Segal said, the organization plans to acquire more than 800 existing units and convert them into social housing; by 2031, they plan to have constructed more than 600 new units.
Initially, the developer plans to encourage existing tenants to stay and rent units to lower-income people as they become vacant in order to meet a planned balance between lower- and higher-income residents; eventually, Segal said, units will become vacant and the developer will maintain a mix by renting to renters at all income levels, from 0 to 120 percent of the Seattle median income.
During that presentation, McCoy said one issue the developer could face soon is a section of the social housing developer’s charter that says the housing it creates “must be permanently protected from being sold or transferred to a private entity or public-private partnership.”
“After the next few years, I think we’ll have to reevaluate and see if we want to encumber more of that tax revenue, orifwewanttostartencumberingthebuildings” by putting them up as collateral for loans, Segal said. “ButIthinkweneedtheflexibilitytoencumberthebuildings,becauseotherwisewemighthavefinancingtoolsthatwecan’tuse.”
In an incident that sparked widespread outrage, police guild leader Daniel Auderer joked that the 23-year-old student was only worth $11,000.
By Andrew Engelson
The Seattle City Attorney’s Office reached a settlement last week with the family of Jaahnavi Kandula, who was struck and killed in a South Lake Union crosswalk in January 2023 by a Seattle Police Department officer traveling 74 miles an hour. In September 2024, the family brought a lawsuit against the City of Seattle and SPD officer Kevin Dave for $110 million, plus an additional $11,000.
The settlement, obtained by PubliCola on Thursday, is for $29 million plus $11,000.
The added figure is a reference to callous remarks made by SPD officer Daniel Auderer, vice chairman of the Seattle Police Officers Guild at the time, who had been called to the scene to investigate Dave for signs of intoxication. Caught on body cam video in conversation with police union leader Mike Solan, Auderer joked and laughed about Kandula’s death, saying, “Just write a check. $11,000. She was 26, anyway. She had limited value.”
“Jaahnavi Kandula’s death was heartbreaking, and the city hopes this financial settlement brings some sense of closure to the Kandula family,” city attorney Erika Evans said. “We also recognize that her loss has left unimaginable pain. Jaahnavi Kandula’s life mattered. It mattered to her family, to her friends, and to our community.”
In their claim, filed in King County Superior Court, attorneys wrote that Kandula “experienced terror, severe emotional distress, and severe pain and suffering before dying.”
Kandula, a 23-year-old engineering student from the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh, was crossing Dexter Avenue at Thomas Street when she was killed on the evening of January 23, 2023. The legal complaint was filed by Kandula’s mother and father, Vijaya Laksmi Gundapuneedi and Sreekanth Kandula, who both live in India.
Interim police chief Sue Rahr fired Auderer in July 2024. In response, he filed a $20 million tort claim against the city for “wrongful termination,” and added an addition five million dollars to the claim, which is currently in King County courts.
Rahr fired Dave in January 2025 after the Office of Police Accountability issued a report finding Dave failed to drive with “with due regard for the safety of all persons.” The report also noted that Dave had been involved in a separate “preventable collision” as an SPD officer, and—as PubliCola first reported—did not have a valid Washington driver’s license when he struck Kandula.
Before joining SPD, Dave was fired by the Tucson Police Department; SPD was aware of what one sergeant flagged as his “checkered history” in Tucson before SPD hired him in 2019.
Tucson fired Dave in 2013 after numerous investigations, including one involving a “preventable collision” for which he was suspended being fired.
In a troubling incident that occurred shortly after he was fired, an officer pulled him over for speeding and observed Dave acting erratically. According to a police report on that incident, the investigating officer filing suspected Dave was “possibly on some type of narcotic.”
Many of the details from PubliCola’s reporting were included in the Kandula family’s claim against officer Dave and the city. “He should have never been hired,” Vonda Sargent, an attorney for the family, told PubliCola shortly before the lawsuit was filed in 2024. “You can’t take just all comers. Everyone is not suited or fit to be a law enforcement officer.”
Sargent did not respond to a request for comment on Tuesday. PubliCola will update this post if we hear back.
In November, 2024, in response to community outrage over the collision, SPD released new policies on emergency driving which direct officers to “drive no faster than their skill and training allows and [what] is reasonably necessary to safely arrive at the scene.”
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