Category: criminal justice

Woman’s Malnutrition Death Raises Questions About Medical Care Standards at South King County Jail

Photo by Andrew Engelson

By Andrew Engelson

A 43-year-old woman, Angela Majoor, died of dehydration, malnutrition, low electrolyte levels and renal failure at the South Correctional Entity (SCORE) jail in Des Moines in May 2023 after spending three days in custody—most of it curled up on the floor of a temporary booking cell.

In a fatality report filed with the State Department of Health (DOH) in February, SCORE said that the Auburn Police Department brought Majoor in on charges of trespass and theft. She had been booked 27 previous times at the jail, which is owned and operated by six cities in South King County. Majoor was in poor health, with the report noting she was “discovered to have sores on her legs” by a nurse at the jail. Majoor resisted a full booking and further exam by staff nurses, the report said, noting that she lay under a blanket on the holding cell floor for two days. 

Heavily redacted incident reports filed by SCORE staff after the death, which PubliCola obtained through a public records request, indicated that Majoor was offered meals and fluids, with one officer noting that “I put the cup to [Majoor’s] mouth as she took multiple sips of Gatorade, notifying her to take small drinks. I told her to drink Gatorade throughout the day.”

Majoor was moved by wheelchair to a medical cell on her third day in custody, and was found dead in that cell on May 19, a little more than 24 hours later. The fatality report filed with DOH said that in addition to dehydration, contributing factors in Majoor’s death included “severe protein calorie malnutrition” and acute methamphetamine intoxication. 

Members of Majoor’s family did not respond to requests for comment.

The report does not indicate that SCORE provided Majoor with any detox care. The report observes that jail guards brought her with meals but concluded, “Meal sacks were not removed at the time a new meal was served. This made it difficult for Corrections Officers to assess how much food was being consumed.”

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Majoor’s death was one of four in custody at SCORE last year, a large number for a jail that houses between 600 and 850 inmates per year. Last year, the ACLU of Washington filed a lawsuit against King County after six people died in one year at the downtown Seattle county jail, which houses twice as many inmates. 

“No one should die in custody due to negligence from the entity responsible for their care,” ACLU of Washington legal director La Rond Baker said. “People do not lose their dignity or humanity when they become incarcerated. Governments running jails have a duty to ensure people involuntarily detained are kept safe and well.” 

The SCORE fatality report also includes a long list of new procedures SCORE says it put in place in response to Majoor’s death, including nurse visits to booking cells every four hours, initiating detox protocols as soon as inmates are booked, and checks by mental health staff on inmates held longer than 3 days who are experiencing detox. The report said Majoor was well-known to staff at SCORE and implied that this may have led to inadequate care: “Over familiarity with the decedent and previous detox experiences were discussed as possible issues.”

At the time of Majoor’s death, medical care at SCORE was provided on a contract basis by Wellpath, the nation’s largest prison health care company, which was the subject of Congressional hearings in December and which been accused of widespread incidents of negligence, insufficient staffing, and substandard care (a Department of Justice investigation in 2021 found Wellpath violated the civil rights of inmates in California).

Nate Bingham, an attorney representing a number of people whose family members died at SCORE, including Damaris Rodriguez, who died naked on the floor of her cell in 2018 and whose family was awarded a $2 million settlement from King County, said that Wellpath reduces costs by minimizing the care it provides to inmates. He pointed to a letter from several US senators in Decemmber raising concerns that Wellpath consistently understaffs facilities. “These issues are entirely consistent with the deficiencies I have seen in Wellpath’s work at SCORE,” Bingham said.

Nicole Jackson, an assistant professor in autopsy pathology at the University of Washington, reviewed the fatality report and redacted incident reports, and based on the limited information they contain, conceded that even with the best of care it would have been difficult to prevent Majoor’s death. “It is highly probable that this individual entered the facility severely dehydrated and/or lost fluids in the toilet (i.e. diarrhea) and did not correct this hydration with the provided food and water.”

SCORE director Devon Schrum said she could not comment further on the unexpected fatality report filed in response to Majoor’s death. Schrum said no staff were disciplined in response to the incident. “During its 13 years, the jail has had 11 unexpected fatalities, each of which were investigated thoroughly, and those investigations now occur through the state mandated process for review of unexpected fatalities,” Schrum said.

Prior to PubliCola’s reporting in September, SCORE had not filed fatality reports with DOH about any of the deaths in custody — which are required by law within 120 days of the incident.

New Caseload Standards Aim to Improve Ailing Public Defense System, But Could Take a Bite Out of County Budget

Larry Jefferson, director of the state Office of Public Defense, testifies at the state bar association’s board of governors on Friday.

By Erica C. Barnett

The Washington State Bar Association’s governing board adopted new standards for public defenders last week that could dramatically reduce caseloads for defense attorneys and other staff at the King County Department of Public Defense (DPD), which represents indigent people accused of crimes.

The 12-1 vote could also have implications for public defense departments around the state, DPD director Anita Khandelwal says, because the state Supreme Court—which adopts rules that counties across the state must follow—asked the bar association’s Council on Public Defense to come up with these recommendations to respond to the statewide public defender shortage.

“We’ve seen a high rate of attrition and burnout, because the caseloads… are too high,” Khandelwal said. “And what happens is people leave is that the same cases get concentrated onto a smaller number of people. It’s basically like we’re in a death spiral.”

The new rules would have a more immediate impact in King County, according to DPD, because King County operates under its own unique rules: Under the King County Code, public defenders are required to follow the standards the WSBA adopts.

According to DPD director Anita Khandelwal, that means the county must either hire enough attorneys—along with support staff like paralegals, social workers, and investigators—to meet the new standards or invest in alternatives to prosecution and incarceration, reducing caseloads by reducing the number of cases.

“I think we have a chicken and egg problem here. I recognize that there’s a shortage of attorneys, but I think that shortage of attorneys is in part due to the fact that this work is impossible.”—King County DPD supervising attorney Michael Schueler

The guidelines, which would also change the requirements for attorneys to qualify for various types of cases (felonies that carry sentences of life without parole, for instance), include a phasing-in period that ends in 2027.

One criticism of the old standards, which have not changed significantly since they were adopted in the 1970s, is that they don’t distinguish between different types of crimes—treating murder, for instance, as if it’s no more complex than a car theft. The new standards no longer dictate a maximum caseload for each broad category of crime; instead, they use a formula that weighs each type of case separately; on average, the new formula would give attorneys about twice as much time to work on each case.

King County Executive Dow Constantine was alarmed enough about the proposed new rules that his general counsel, David Hackett, took the unusual step of sending a letter urging the bar association’s governing board not to adopt the new recommendations. Doing so before the state supreme court can issue its own statewide guidelines, Hackett wrote, would “contradict a standing court rule”—specifically, the current state guidelines for public defense attorneys. Khandelwal says there is no contradiction, because the state standards set a ceiling, not a floor, on cases.

Under the current WSBA standards, each public defense attorney is expected to handle as many as 150 felony cases or as many as 400 misdemeanor cases a year—a workload that would work out to as little as 11 hours per felony, or 4.5 hours per misdemeanor, if attorneys didn’t work overtime. “That’s obviously absurd,” Khandelwal said. “If you were charged with a misdemeanor, you would want an attorney who’s going to spend more than four and a half hours on your case.”

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As it is, high caseloads are leading to an epidemic of burnout among public defenders, and leaving some jurisdictions with so few attorneys that people are languishing in jail for months waiting for a lawyer.

During the WSBA hearing last week, a steady stream of attorneys described the impacts severe overwork has had on their ability to spend time with their families and adequately represent their clients. Larry Jefferson, director of the state’s Office of Public Defense, said his family reacted with shock when he spent a Sunday at home when he was a public defender, because he was rarely able to take even one day off “An normal week for public defenders 60 to 80 hours of work, and [that’s when] they’re not doing a trial. So these standards represent us taking the best step forward to making sure that people get adequate assistance of counsel.”

Kitsap County prosecutor Chad Enright was the lone voice of opposition at Friday’s hearing, calling the standards “frankly comical” in light of the ongoing shortage of public defense attorneys across the state. His “friends in public defense,” Enright said, had two theories. The first was that the new standards are “designed to create chaos” in the hope of creating a new state agency to oversee public defense. The second was that by lowering the number of people public defenders can represent, defense attorneys are hoping to turn the current defense attorney shortage into a crisis, forcing prosecutors to dismiss some charges and effectively “decriminalizing” certain crimes.

Responding to those claims, King County DPD supervising attorney Michael Schueler said, “I think we have a chicken and egg problem here. I recognize that there’s a shortage of attorneys, but I think that shortage of attorneys is in part due to the fact that this work is impossible.” Last year, Schueler’s client D’Andre Glaspy was found not guilty of murdering his girlfriend’s two-year-old son after languishing behind bars, unable to pay bail, from 2017 to 2023—a situation Schueler attributed to the crippling caseloads he was working under during those years.

“These caseloads are crippling. It is an impossible task to sit down with a client and tell them, ‘I can’t work on your case effectively and quickly,'” Schueler said.

In his letter, Constantine’s general counsel Hackett warned that adopting the new standards could create “practical problems of adequate legislative funding from the state to fund the new caseloads and the daunting question of whether there are enough defense attorneys to staff the caseloads proposed.” The county is currently facing a $100 million two-year budget shortfall; DPD’s annual budget is currently around $170 million.

Khandelwal argues that the new standards don’t necessarily require the county to increase spending on attorneys.

“It doesn’t have to be a budget question,” she said. “The three-year implementation phase for the standards is also an opportunity to ramp up alternative programming for the next three years, so that we are using our criminal legal system for fewer things.”

Constantine’s office has not yet responded to questions about Hackett’s letter or the impact the new standards will have on the county’s public defense department.

City Attorney’s Criminal Division Chief Will Leave at End of February

Natalie Walton-Anderson; photo via neighborsforann.com.

By Erica C. Barnett

Natalie Walton-Anderson, the head of City Attorney Ann Davison’s criminal division, is leaving at the end of February after just over two years in the position, PubliCola has learned. According to a spokesman for Davison’s office, Walton-Anderson was not fired or asked to resign; in an email announcing her resignation to staff yesterday, Walton-Anderson wrote that she needs to “take a break and reset after 27 years working in the criminal legal system.”

In an email to staff, Davison praised Walton-Anderson’s “tremendous impact at the City Attorney’s Office. … Under her leadership, the Criminal Division eliminated the 5,000 case backlog my administration inherited, created the High Utilizer Initiative, significantly increased our pre-file diversion program, and helped repair many parts of criminal justice system that were not functioning.”

The high-utilizer initiative targets people with multiple arrests on their records for prosecution, including people whose underlying problems—like profound addiction—are poorly served by arrest, prosecution, and jail. Initially, Davison’s office used the framework to exclude people from community court, a therapeutic court that allowed some misdemeanor defendants to access services without risking jail for failing to comply with court orders. Later, Walton-Anderson announced that her office was withdrawing from community court, effectively ending the program.

As Davison noted in her email, Walton-Anderson focused on “clearing the backlog” of cases by making filing decisions quickly, which initially meant dismissing many old cases that would have been difficult to prosecute, given their age.

But she has also reportedly been aggressive about filing charges in drug-related cases that would ordinarily get channeled into the city’s pre-booking diversion program, LEAD, which enrolls low-level offenders into community-based services instead of sending them through the criminal legal system. Police (and, until the passage of a law enabling prosecutions for public drug use limited its scope, community members) use LEAD as an alternative to arrest and booking; the program, started in Belltown in 2011, has been replicated across the country.

People whose cases aren’t diverted to LEAD can end up in pre-filing diversion programs; these programs, which include art therapy and online courses, are generally geared toward people with less history in the criminal legal system and those without serious underlying issues like fentanyl addiction.

The city attorney’s office did not provide details about the hiring process for Walton-Anderson’s successor; the position is apparently not subject to a citywide hiring freeze, which exempted “essential” roles. Last year, after Davison’s office said they were having trouble recruiting qualified assistant prosecutors, the city increased prosecutors’ wages by 20 percent.

County Will No Longer House Inmates at SCORE Jail in South King County, Ending Controversial Agreement


By Andrew Engelson

A controversial agreement between the South Correctional Entity (SCORE)—a municipal jail jointly owned by six South King County cities— and the King County Department of Adult and Juvenile Detention (DAJD) to house county inmates and help alleviate staffing shortages at the downtown jail has abruptly ended after only three months.

“SCORE and DAJD have mutually agreed to end the housing agreement,” SCORE director Devon Schrum said during a meeting of SCORE’s operations board Wednesday. “We’ve never been able to get enough people from DAJD to make a difference for them,” she added. “It’s entirely possible there will be some negative spin.” 

In an email to DAJD staff, department director Allan Nance wrote that “folllowing an initial three-month review,” DAJD and SCORE “have jointly agreed to end a pilot project for housing services, which began on June 10, 2023. As a result, both parties are working together to return all King County jail residents housed at SCORE to DAJD facilities.” About 22 people will return from SCORE to the county’s own jails, Nance said.

In his email, Nance said the decision to end the controversial agreement “was based on two primary factors. First, DAJD has determined that the number of King County jail residents eligible for transfer to SCORE would never be sufficient to provide operational benefits and staffing relief, given the mutually agreed upon screening criteria and the complex and dynamic population housed in our County jails. Therefore, the resource cost of this pilot has outweighed any potential benefit.” Second, Nance said, SCORE needed to use the space for other inmates from the six cities that own the jail. 

In April, the King County Council, in a 7 to 2 vote, approved an agreement to allow transfer of 60 inmates at the downtown jail to SCORE, and create a plan to house and book some people in DAJD custody at SCORE.

The sudden end of the agreement comes after four people in its custody have died at SCORE in the past year–an extraordinarily high number. The ACLU of Washington, concerned about conditions at the downtown King County jail, initiated a lawsuit in February against the county over lack of adequate medical and mental health care, noting that six people died in custody at the downtown jail in 2022. 

The agreement was supposed to help address chronic understaffing at the downtown jail, where a shortage of as many as 120 officers has resulted in overworked jail guards, substandard conditions for inmates, and delays in getting inmates who are ill to medical care when needed, which PubliCola first reported on late last year.  

The number of inmates actually booked through DAJD and housed at SCORE has been relatively small. According to King County’s jail data dashboard, the number has hovered around 30 through much of the year.

The sudden end of the agreement comes after four people in its custody have died at SCORE in the past year–an extraordinarily high number. The ACLU of Washington, concerned about conditions at the downtown King County jail, initiated a lawsuit in February against the county over lack of adequate medical and mental health care, noting that six people died in custody at the downtown jail in 2022. 

La Rond Baker, legal director for the ACLU of Washington, told PubliCola, “The conditions in the [downtown jail] are really pretty horrifying and very, very concerning. They’re putting people’s lives at risk. What we are most concerned about is the failure to transport people to medical appointments necessary for them to maintain even base level of health. They’re not consistently taking anyone to outside medical appointments because of staffing shortages.”

The county’s downtown jail has a capacity of between 1,200 and 1,700 inmates, while SCORE can house about half that. According to its website SCORE is currently holding 443 people. According to DAJD spokesman Noah Haglund, 21 King County inmates remain at SCORE and “[b]oth parties are working together to return” them back to to DAJD jails.

The pilot allowed DAJD to evaluate SCORE housing as a potential option for temporary staffing relief. Given the mutually agreed upon eligibility criteria and the complex and dynamic population housed in our County jails, DAJD’s other approaches have provided a more efficient use of staffing and jail operations than the SCORE pilot could offer. These include rebalancing population between facilities and reopening bookings at the Maleng Regional Justice Center in Kent.

“Four deaths in one year is astronomical,” said Molly Gilbert, a spokesperson for the union that represents public defenders. 

PubliCola has filed public records requests for all documents, including medical examiner reports, related to the four deaths at SCORE.

Haglund—who got back to PubliCola shortly after this story was published—said none of the four people who died at SCORE in 2023 were people transferred or booked through the DAJD agreement. Haglund also said that DAJD plans to reopen bookings at the Maleng Regional Justice Center in Kent on October 2.

“The pilot allowed DAJD to evaluate SCORE housing as a potential option for temporary staffing relief. Given the mutually agreed upon eligibility criteria and the complex and dynamic population housed in our County jails, DAJD’s other approaches have provided a more efficient use of staffing and jail operations than the SCORE pilot could offer,” Haglund said.

On its website, SCORE has published press releases on the four unexpected fatalities this year. On March 25 a 65-year-old man collapsed and died. On May 19, a 43-year-old woman in custody was found unresponsive. On June 27, a 25-year-old was also found unresponsive. And on August 12, a 42-year-old woman in custody was also found unresponsive and died.

The fatality in March is notable because it occurred just as the King County council was debating legislation authorizing the agreement between DAJD and SCORE. The council’s Law, Justice, Health and Human Services Committee voted to approve the legislation on March 7, and the death occurred on March 25. The full council approved the measure on April 4, with council members Jeanne Kohl-Welles and Zahilay voting no. 

At the time, the council was heatedly discussing previous deaths in custody at SCORE, in particular one incident in 2019.

In addition, SCORE seems to be in violation of a condition in the agreement that was added by Kohl-Wells in an amendment to the legislation. In 2021, the legislature passed a law requiring all jails in the state to file reports to the Washington State Department of Health (DOH) on the causes and circumstances of any unexpected fatalities within 120 days of the incident. A Seattle Times report in March found that few jails are complying with the law, which went into effect this year. 

“Our position on the SCORE contract has been the same since the County first considered the proposal months ago: King County should be focusing on finding ways to reduce the number of people incarcerated wherever they are held. Incarceration is a harmful, ineffective, and racially disproportionate policy that we know doesn’t make our communities safer.”—Department of Public Defense director Anita Khandelwal

Specifically in response to that problem, Kohl-Welles introduced and passed an amendment to the DAJD-SCORE agreement legislation that required SCORE to comply with state law and file fatality reports with DOH.

However, according to Mark Johnson, a spokesperson for DOH’s Office of Public Affairs and Equity, DOH has no record that SCORE or any of the six cities that operate the jail have filed reports related to any of the four fatalities that have occurred in custody at SCORE in 2023. Both the March and May incidents occurred more than 120 days ago. 

The amendment Kohl-Welles added to the legislation states: “South Correctional Entity has acknowledged and agreed to comply with the unexpected fatality review requirements in accordance with state law, and publicly issues unexpected fatality reports.

SCORE director Schrum did not respond to requests for comment.

Gilbert, with the union representing public defenders, said that the arrangement created many logistical issues that were a burden for both inmates and their attorneys. Transfers to court were especially complicated, and Gilbert noted that DAJD inmates held at SCORE who had hearings in the Kent courthouse were not directly transferred, but transported to Seattle were they spent a night in a holding cell before before being shuttled to Kent.

In addition, she noted that several public defenders complained of being turned away from meeting with their clients at SCORE because the jail said it did not have adequate staff to accommodate those requests.

DPD director Anita Khandelwal said in an email: “Our position on the SCORE contract has been the same since the County first considered the proposal months ago: King County should be focusing on finding ways to reduce the number of people incarcerated wherever they are held. Incarceration is a harmful, ineffective, and racially disproportionate policy that we know doesn’t make our communities safer.”

Editor’s note: Due to a typo introduced in editing, this piece originally said that five “counties” operate the SCORE jail; in fact, it is six cities.

 

Council Passes New Law Empowering City Attorney to Prosecute People Who Use Drugs in Public

Sara Nelson, Andrew Lewis, and Lisa Herbold all supported the legislation empowering City Attorney Ann Davison to prosecute drug users.

By Erica C. Barnett

On Wednesday, the Seattle City Council adopted a new law empowering City Attorney Ann Davison to prosecute people who use drugs in public, or who are caught with illegal drugs other than cannabis, on a 6-3 vote, with every council member except Teresa Mosqueda, Kshama Sawant, and Tammy Morales voting “yes.” The new law makes public drug use and simple possession gross misdemeanors for the first time in Seattle history.

An earlier version of the bill, which would have incorporated a new state drug criminalization law into the city’s municipal code, died on a 5-4 vote after Councilmember Andrew Lewis, a former city prosecutor, changed his mind in response to public testimony and Davison’s decision to unilaterally end a local therapeutic court called community court. The state law is as the “Blake fix” because it re-criminalized drug possession and public use after the state supreme court overturned an existing law that made public drug use and simple possession a felony.

The new version of the bill is significantly longer, but substantively similar, to the previous legislation. The new bill is significantly wordier, largely because it now includes more than 30 nonbinding “whereas” clauses stating the city’s intent to, among other things: Strongly recommend that police consider diversion before making arrests; avoid “repeating the mistakes of the past”; and review the impact of the legislation in the future.

The bill targets only people who use drugs in public, Councilmember Tammy Morales noted, targeting users who are poor or homeless while ignoring all the drug use that takes place behind closed doors. “If we wanted to address drug addiction, we would not be focused only on those who use it in the streets where we can see their suffering.”

It also contains new provisions saying police will, in the future, adopt policies governing when and how to divert people instead of arresting them, along with a section saying police “may” consider whether a person using drugs is harming others or just themselves when deciding whether to make an arrest.

Finally, the bill contains some reporting requirements and sets up a new committee to evaluate how the law is going in the future.

Proponents of the bill, with the exception of its original sponsor Sara Nelson, made a lot of all these nonbinding suggestions and reporting requirements. (Nelson wanted to eliminate the evaluation committee as well as a nonbinding recommendation that the police use officers who have received crisis training, who make up more than half the department, to respond to public drug use, saying both proposals infringed on the authority of Police Chief Adrian Diaz and Mayor Bruce Harrell. After other council members noted that Harrell’s office approved both provisions, a majority of the council voted down both of Nelson’s amendments.)

“This does not create new [police] authority. It seeks to limit it in a way that does not exist under state law,” one of the bill’s two sponsors, Councilmember Lisa Herbold, said. “This is a commitment to not repeat the errors of the past.”

Lewis, who co-sponsored the legislation with Herbold, said the bill was not intended to be “the magic solution that fixes the situation that we are facing,” but added that it “gives additional guidance and [a] focus on public health best practices that are alternatives to incarceration and entering the criminal legal system.”

Opponents of the bill pointed out that not only is that “guidance” nonbinding, the legislation comes with no additional funding to implement diversion or treatment; instead, Councilmember Teresa Mosqueda said, it offers a “hollow promise” of alternatives to arrest. Under the council’s regular process, the legislation would have been on the agenda for next week, coinciding with Harrell’s 2024 budget proposal, which will reveal how much, if any, funding Harrell will propose for expanding diversion programs such as LEAD, which is already oversubscribed for this year.

“So while the emphasis is on pre-arrest diversion and not arrest, we are not actually able to follow through with that without assurances that [these strategies] will be in the budget,” Mosqueda said.

Mosqueda, who chairs the council’s budget committee, also noted that Harrell’s “plan to invest $27 million toward facilities, treatments, and services to address the opioid crisis” is not actually a new $27 million investment. Instead, that number includes $7 million in unspent capital grants that will fund a new DESC overdose recovery site on Third Ave., as PubliCola exclusively reported last month, among other investments, plus an average of about $1 million a year from statewide settlements with opioid manufacturers and distributors, spread over the next 18 years.

Additionally, Harrell can’t actually commit that future money (whose value will depreciate with inflation over time), because the city allocates funding annually through the budget, so the money—which does have to be spent on purposes related to drug addiction—could pay for other things in the future.

Tammy Morales’ challenger Tanya Woo held a rally outside City Hall before the vote. The legislation, she acknowledged, isn’t perfect, but at least it “does something” to address public drug use in places like 12th and Jackson, in the Chinatown/International District.Councilmember Tammy Morales—whose challenger in this year’s election, Tanya Woo, held a rally with Chinatown/International District residents outside City Hall to highlight Morales’ opposition to the bill—said the legislation was “ineffective… unnecessary, and dare I say, performative.” The bill targets only people who use drugs in public, Morales noted, targeting users who are poor or homeless while ignoring all the drug use that takes place behind closed doors.

“If we wanted to address drug addiction, we would not be focused only on those who use it in the streets where we can see their suffering. We would be standing up real alternative for everyone,” like medication-assisted treatment, counseling, social supports, residential treatment, and walk-in clinics, Morales said.

The bill mentions many of these things—identifying “treatment” as a preferred approach, for example, in ten different places—but does nothing to make it happen. Instead, it doubles down on a law enforcement-based approach to a public health crisis.

Jail Guard Falsified Security Check Prior to Inmate Suicide; Candidate Proposes Shipping Homeless Out of Seattle

1. King County Jail Guard Falsified Records Surrounding Inmate Suicide

A correctional officer at the King County jail in downtown Seattle failed to do a required security check less than two hours before a 47-year-old man with “a history of mental health issues” committed suicide in his cell last year, then falsified a record to make it appear that he had performed the check, PubliCola has learned.

Disciplinary records from the Department of Adult and Juvenile Detention confirm that the guard, Emmanuel Palaita, did perform a check about an hour before the inmate, Keith Denegal, was found dead in his cell in the early morning of February 20, 2022. However, Palaita failed to do the previous mandatory check, leaving Denegal alone in his cell for more than an hour and a half, in violation of jail rules requiring checks at least once an hour. An investigator concluded that Palaita’s “failure to act endangered the safety of the inmate population he was responsible for.”

Because of the fraudulent log, investigators found Palaita had violated department policy, falsified documents, caused loss or injury to the county or public, and breached jail security. He was never disciplined, however, because he left his shift and never came back, going on leave for several weeks before turning in his official resignation more than a month after walking off the job. According to DAJD spokesman Noah Haglund, Palaita never responded to notices about the internal investigation, and declined a hearing after the investigation to clear his name.

Because Palaita falsified a DAJD record, the department forwarded his name to the King County Prosecutor’s office for inclusion on the county’s Brady list—a list of law enforcement officers whose testimony in court is suspect because they have a history of dishonesty.

Since 2021, nine people have died “unexpectedly” at the jail, including five who committed suicide. Haglund said the department “has taken several important steps since last year to protect jail residents against self-harm,” including retrofits to remove gaps between beds and walls, limiting the distribution of over the counter medication, and increased suicide prevention training.

Since 2021, eight DAJD employees have been disciplined for falsifying security checks, Haglund said.

Because Palaita falsified a DAJD record, the department forwarded his name to the King County Prosecutor’s office for inclusion on the county’s Brady list—a list of law enforcement officers whose testimony in court is suspect because they have a history of dishonesty.

PubliCola has also determined that after Palaita left the county last February, he applied to be a Seattle firefighter, although it does not appear the department has hired him. According to records maintained by the city’s Public Safety Civil Service Commission, Palaita passed all the tests required for placement on the Seattle Fire Department’s Firefighter Register, one of the first steps toward becoming a firefighter in Seattle, and he will remain on the list until June 2024.

We have reached out to the fire department for more information about Palaita’s application and whether the department takes the Brady list into consideration when hiring firefighters.

2.  Here’s a Bold New Idea from Westneat’s Favorite Candidate: “Triage” Homeless People Into “Open Space” in King County

On Wednesday, the Seattle Times’ Danny Westneat posted a layup column lightly mocking “the good, the bad, the bizarre ideas” coming from some of the candidates who are unlikely to make it through this year’s August 1 primary. Among the “out-there ideas” Westneat chose for mockery: Taxing spray paint to stop graffiti; building campgrounds for homeless people around the city, including one where people could use fentanyl (“imagine the community meetings,” Westneat snorts) and using AI to audit city departments for waste. “Their ideas,” Westneat chuckles, are like “Seattle satire.”

Given his interest in oddball ideas, it’s strange that Westneat—who says he’s been attending forums and debates all around the city—failed to mention any of the bold new proposals from a candidate he helped boost to prominence two years ago: Kenneth Wilson, who’s running for the open seat in District 4. In 2021, when Wilson was running against council incumbent Teresa Mosqueda, Westneat wrote that he, “stands out in the crowd”  being “being boring and competent.” Westneat was thoroughly charmed by Wilson’s “dorky” engineer vibe, and praised him for his back-to-basics campaign focused on “mismanagement,” government waste, and “building housing for the homeless faster.”

So you’d think Wilson’s big idea this year would be right up Westneat’s alley. Wilson wants to fix homelessness with a “triage” system that will take homeless people off the streets of Seattle and relocate them to an as-yet-unidentified piece of land somewhere in King County, providing recycling bins for them to store their belongings while they “move along in the right path with us.”

“We could do something with triage, especially with King County and their big resources in land. And we would actually move and get these people on the path that’s away from drugs, it’s away from the challenges of the city,” Wilson said at a recent forum.

“There’s so many people in [Seattle] who’ve got mental issues and things like that,” he continued. “In King County, we have a lot of open space, beautiful areas where we can actually make a difference in people’s lives, get them away from the challenges that are making the addictions, causing some of the mental health spill-out, where the damage is coming to our community.”

Wilson, unlike the candidates Westneat poked fun at this week, has a decent shot of making it through the primary, thanks in part to the credibility Westneat’s column gave him during his first campaign. As of Wednesday, he had raised more money than any other candidate in his race.