An Interview With the Creator of the Seattle City Council Sock Puppets

By Erica C. Barnett

City Hall has been speculating for months about who’s behind a series of short Youtube videos featuring the members of the Seattle City Council as sock puppets—each meticulously designed to highlight or scrutinize some aspect of each council member’s character.

The vertically shot videos are deceptively simple—each Muppet-style puppet speaks in turn, lip-synching to audio of a council meeting—and often include visual jokes that range from subtle (a tiny Maritza Rivera can barely get her eyes above the dais) to blunt, like the most recent video featuring books the council might be reading on their two-week summer vacations. (Former Councilmember Cathy Moore, who frequently became indignant when people opposed her politically, is reading a copy of White Fragility at the golf course. Layers!)

One of my personal favorites came from a meeting when Rob Saka, unprompted, brought up a supposedly untranslatable Finnish concept called sisu, then proceeded to translate it, at great length, while the rest of the council just kind of sat there. In the video, Saka—the son of a Nigerian dad and a Finnish mom—bobs around in a tiny replica of the dashiki he wore during his 2023 campaign as the Finnish flag unfurls behind him and the Finnish national anthem plays in the background.

The identity of the “The Seattle Channel” puppet master has been a topic of fierce speculation at City Hall. As recently as primary election night, an elected official told me they knew for a fact that it was someone who works for city government, and they were so confident, I believed them. But they were wrong.

“The puppets,” as they’re referred to at City Hall, are the product of a group of people, but the project was launched by one person—a longtime visual artist who lives on Capitol Hill and has never worked at City Hall. We asked for an interview earlier this year; this week, the originator of the puppet channel finally said yes, on the condition that we not reveal his identity. The following conversation has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

I love the puppets. What made you decide to start doing these videos?

My story is that I started really tuning in to local politics, I think like a lot of people, in 2020, with the Black Lives Matter/George Floyd/Breonna Taylor uprising in my neighborhood, on Capitol Hill. Through that experience of those protests and the experience of having police bombing my neighborhood and seeing all of that firsthand, I got involved in some local activist groups [like Solidarity Budget and Stop Surveillance City] that are are particularly focused on the mayor and the city council and local politics—groups that are really focused on trying to push the city toward an idea of public safety that’s much more about solidarity and human services and less on policing and courts.

Through that work I started tracking city politics and the city council. When they started with the original legislation proposing CCTV, I was really frustrated at how this particular council seems to be extremely uninterested in listening to public feedback and data and taking in information. Especially with the surveillance bill, because there was such a huge amount of skepticism expressed by the public and the official surveillance working group recommended not passing it. There were lots of reasons they should not have passed that bill and they did it anyway

There are so many amazing details in your sock puppets that I feel like it takes a keen observer of the city council to notice—like the fact that Bob Kettle’s eyebrows are the same color as his skin. What’s your process for identifying and including all those details?

At first, I was trying to find socks at a thrift store to try to match the complexion of the council members. I think of Kettle as being a very, very white man, and somehow one of those athletic socks just seemed appropriate. I love making things. I’ve only made some of the puppets. Some of them were made by other people who are also very talented puppet makers. The thing about puppets that’s amazing as an art form is, it takes so little to turn an inanimate object into something animate. You just put some googly eyes on a sock and it suddenly has a personality.

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I’m obsessed with the way you chose to do Sara Nelson’s hair—it’s somehow exactly her hair, even though the yarn is a bunch of tangled-up colors and her actual hair is gray.  

She was the first puppet I made and I think it’s partially just kind of the materials I had on hand. It seemed like it worked.

Tell me more about your goals for this project.

The group that is working on the puppets is a group that has been going since 2020. We make all sorts of media for different kind of activist campaigns. The question is, how do you take complicated issues that the city is facing and distill it down in a way that’s poppy enough that it catches somebody’s attention that may not be following it closely and doesn’t simplify and flatten it. We’ve done a lot of stuff on social media to try to get people to pay attention to what is happening. This puppet project is in that same spirit. Puppets as a metaphor for politicians who seem to be beholden to interests that are not in the public interest.

In terms of process, there are actually several people in the immediate group who make it with me, and a larger group of people who are regular watchers of the council through the official Seattle Channel because of the activist work that we do. So people send me bits and suggestions. Originally they were going to be much shorter and kind of sillier, which is how they started, but increasingly we got this idea of really trying to base it on whatever happened in the council the week before. And then, obviously, we take audio from the Seattle Channel’s recordings of the meetings

Councilmember Joy Hollingsworth has complained that she doesn’t have a puppet. Do you only make puppets for the “bad guys”?

I mean, kind of, yeah. The ones who seem like they’re acting the worst are going to get puppets—the ones that seem most unwilling to think about public opinion and be swayed by what people in Seattle really want.

Have you gotten any feedback from anyone featured in your videos?

No, I haven’t really heard from anyone. The only person who really provided feedback from any government position was [CARE Department Chief] Amy Barden. There was video of a meeting where she presented [and was represented by a Barbie doll], and she posted “career highlight!”  Because it’s all anonymous, the only feedback I get, really, is from my friends.

Everyone at City Hall watches your videos. I mean, everyone.

Oh my god! That’s so funny to hear.

I love that it’s become such a thing in City Hall, and also among the people who follow your reporting closely. I would love to try to reach a broader audience. It’s hard to get people’s attention. There’s so much stuff going on and it’s hard to get people to tune in. We’re all so overwhelmed by things that are happening nationally and internationally, but in terms of ways that we can really survive this upcoming time, where I think things are going to get really bad, I think [we should be] focusing locally on city and state politics, and trying to make sure we have a representative democratic government that is focused on how we keep people safe and housed and fed.

The video I think about the most is the one where Bob Kettle says “happy birthday” to Sara Nelson in a bunch of different languages, and then you see the top of Maritza Rivera’s head pop up above the dais and add “and Feliz Cumpleaños!” 

That’s one of my favorites ever. Their interpersonal dynamics! We were talking the other day—is the genre sort of like The Office? It’s the same cast of characters, they come in every day and have their little spats and it just repeats, just like a workplace comedy.

 

Summer Recess FAQ

By Erica C. Barnett

PubliCola is going on summer recess for the next two weeks, returning on September 10. Here are the answers to a few commonly asked questions.

Where are you going? 

Follow me on Instagram if you’re really interested, but, roughly, here.

Will you be posting while you’re out of town?

Probably not, unless, you know, something major happens! The last time I was in this part of the world, this happened (I broke the news on Twitter from somewhere in Bulgaria).

What if I want to reach you? 

As always, you can reach out to me on Bluesky (or IG) and by email (erica@publicola.com), just know that it’ll take me a while to get back to you.

Are you timing your vacation with the city council’s summer recess? 

Nope, it’s just a happy accident, and I’ll be back about a week after they are.

By Erica C. Barnett

PubliCola is going on summer recess for the next two weeks, returning on September 10. Here are the answers to a few commonly asked questions.

Where are you going? 

Follow me on Instagram if you’re really interested, but, roughly, here.

Will you be posting while you’re out of town?

Probably not, unless, you know, something major happens! The last time I was in this part of the world, this happened (I broke the news on Twitter from somewhere in Bulgaria).

What if I want to reach you? 

As always, you can reach out to me on Bluesky (or IG) and by email (erica@publicola.com), just know that it’ll take me a while to get back to you.

Are you timing your vacation with the city council’s summer recess? 

Nope, it’s just a happy accident, and I’ll be back about a week after they are.

How dare you.

Yeah, I know.

 

Homelessness Authority Director Under Investigation After Complaints Claiming Racial Bias, “Toxic Work Environment”

KCRHA director Kelly Kinnison

By Erica C. Barnett

Kelly Kinnison, the CEO of the King County Regional Homelessness Authority, is currently the subject of an internal investigation into several complaints about her management style and hiring decisions, including one by a high-level staffer who quit the agency last week over what she described as a “toxic work environment.”

The KCRHA’s governing board, made up of elected officials from across the county, has held multiple closed-door executive sessions to discuss the ongoing investigation, which could result in discipline.

The investigation is expected to wrap up in the next few weeks, according to sources familiar with the board’s deliberations.

The initial spark for the complaints came earlier this year, when Kinnison, who is white, decided to create two new executive positions—a chief of youth programs overseeing Built for Zero work to end youth homelessness and a chief of systems innovation—and direct-hire two white men to fill them, including one who was reportedly allowed to write his own job description. (PubliCola has chosen not to name either man).

The salary for both positions was set at $200,000 a year. The Raikes Foundation would provide partial funding for the youth homelessness position, but the rest of the funds would have to come out of KCRHA’s budget, which faces potential cuts of more than $2 million next year. Emails obtained through a records request show that Kinnison had been directly talking with both men about potential jobs at the agency since 2024.

The proposed new hires, coming at at time when KCRHA was drafting a budget that would eliminate nearly 60 shelter beds and cut as many as 22 positions, struck many on KCRHA staff as irresponsible. Not only would both the new executive-level positions pay more tha most staff were making, there were, according to at least one of the complainants, multiple Black KCRHA employees qualified to fill the two roles if KCRHA management really believed they were necessary.

In a complaint filed on August 7, the staffer who quit last week, then-interim chief program officer Xochitl Maykovich, wrote, “I do not have faith that the current CEO of KCRHA can effectively manage the organization because she does not prioritize the responsibility the agency has to effectively manage tax payer dollars, she has not addressed concerns raised about racial discrimination, and she is making irresponsible financial decisions.

“Since I’ve been in the Interim Chief Program Officer role, I have raised consistent concerns about the appearance of racial discrimination and fiscal irresponsibility, but each time, rather than trying to find a solution, she has dug in and made me feel like she wants to fire me. I feel at very high risk of retaliation from the CEO for raising these concerns.”

Maykovich told PubliCola that when she heard Kinnison wanted to hire the two men, she was already wondering “why did I even get hired?” given that the agency’s budget, at the time, was several million dollars in the red. “I was so aggressive about it because it felt so wrong—this is so much money, we were having budget issues, and we could be in a position of laying people off,” she said.  “We don’t have the business justification for this, and morale was so low.”

Maykovich said she told Kinnison, “It’s going to create a lot of feelings if you directly hire a white guy at this level and pay him this much money, when we have at least three Black staff with expertise in youth homelessness who you pay a lot less, and you don’t consider them.”

In response, Maykovich said, “She snapped at me and said, ‘I don’t care about their feelings.” Maykovich included this alleged incident in her complaint.

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KCRHA has not hired either of the two men, and it’s unclear whether they plan to in the future. A KCRHA spokesperson declined to respond to questions, citing the ongoing investigation.

As news of the potential new hires leaked out internally, rumors also spread that Kinnison said it would be helpful to have white men representing KCRHA in discussions with elected officials, including specific Seattle City Council members. According to Maykovich’s complaint, she told Kinnison in a meeting of the executive team that “staff would have a lot of feelings about this decision,” to which Kinnison reportedly replied, “I don’t care about their feelings.”

Emails obtained through public disclosure requests show that KCRHA’s deputy chief, Simon Foster, also raised concerns about the optics and cost of the new hires. On April 16, Foster wrote Kinnison raising concerns about the new positions, including “budgetary alignment,” “mission consistency,” and “team cohesion.”

“We are actively asking our teams to absorb significant reductions, delay hiring, and reassess work plans based on limited resources,” Foster, who is Black, wrote. “Bringing on additional high salaried executive roles during this time may compromise our fiscal credibility and sustainability.”

Additionally, Foster wrote, the hires could call into question KCRHA’s “commitment to equity, not just in outcomes, but in process and leadership composition. Relying on a framing that centers White male representation as a political access point risks undermining the values we have stated publicly and internally.”

Kinnison responded by saying she planned to move forward with the two hires that week.

Two days later, in a separate email thread, Kinnison said she was “shocked” to learn that members of the executive leadership team knew about one of the new job descriptions, and said she was looking into “how this information was inappropriately shared so that we can ensure the integrity of our hiring processes and internal communication protocols.”

Kinnison also rejected “the perception that I feel we need white male representation to get political access. … That is not my belief, nor it is reflected in my hiring practices or guidance to hiring managers.”

In response, Foster confirmed that he was the one who shared the job descriptions, saying he did so as “an effort to surface critical feedback early and ensure that if we move forward, we do so with clarity, buy‐in, and organizational alignment.”

“I want to be clear, the discomfort being expressed within the Executive Leadership Team and throughout the organization, is not merely about an individual hire, but about a pattern of decision making, communication, and lack of clarity that is beginning to erode trust,” Foster wrote. “While you and I may have different perspectives on the intent behind these decisions, the perception among senior leaders is very real, and needs to be addressed head‐on, not deflected.”

In a followup email, which Foster shared with KCRHA’s human resources director Irwin Batara, Foster asked Kinnison to participate in a special meeting with the entire leadership team to discuss, among other issues, “unspoken frustrations, questions, and concerns that haven’t been given proper space for direct engagement with you.”

That meeting apparently didn’t happen. But less than two weeks later, at a meeting of top agency leaders that Kinnison did not attend, Maykovich and at least one other staffer complained at length about her plan to hire two new executive staff at a time when many lower-level KCRHA workers stood to lose their jobs. Two days later, the executive team met again, this time with Kinnison in attendance.

According to multiple accounts, Kinnison told everyone on her team to come out with whatever complaints they had, and each did so in turn. Some raised concerns that Kinnison and Foster were being too public about their internal leadership disputes, while others, including Maykovich, said KCRHA had become a hostile work environment, particularly for people of color. (Maykovich is Latina). In response, Kinnison reportedly said that she has the final say over all KCRHA decisions, including who gets hired.

At the end, Maykovich said, Kinnison told the leaders, “‘If you think you’re in a hostile work environment, bring it on.'”

After the meeting, Batara reportedly recorded the comments of each member of the executive staff as a separate complaint against Kinnison—about a half-dozen complaints in all.

About half an hour after the meeting ended, Kinnison wrote an email to Foster and Batara expressing “concerns about Xochitl’s performance”—effectively an HR complaint against Maykovich. The email described several recent meetings at which, according to Kinnison, Maykovich had been unprepared or spoken out of turn (Maykovich disputes this) and concluded by calling her “combative” and suggesting that “we escalate the coaching we are providing.”

Two days later, after meeting with King County Councilmember Jorge Báron, Kinnison wrote another email to Foster telling him to hold off on disciplining Maykovich; she did not cite a reason, and Báron, citing the investigation, declined to comment.

“I want to hold on taking any action on this until things settle, so no rush on bringing back recommended next steps,” she wrote.

The KCRHA’s general counsel, Edmund Witter, was reportedly among the staff who raised concerns about the perception of racial bias in Kinnison’s hiring decisions. Five days after the meeting where the executive leadership team aired their grievances, Kinnison told Witter he would no longer represent the agency on any HR matters, “so that we have his housing and agency expertise available to the many other things on his plate,” according to an April 29 email. (Witter declined to comment).

As the result of that decision, KCRHA has retained an international law firm, Ogletree Deakins, to represent them on employment matters. In addition to the additional cost of hiring an outside firm, the agency plans to hire a consultant, at an estimated cost of more than $60,000, to do an organizational assessment. It’s unclear if this outside assessment is part of an internal agreement to resolve the complaints; this is one of the questions we posed to KCRHA that a spokesperson declined ot answer.

A report on the investigation into Kinnison’s actions as CEO has reportedly been completed, so it probably won’t be long before its conclusions are public.

Meanwhile, the KCRHA still faces many internal and external pressures. As we’ve reported, the Harrell administration directed the authority to go through an “exercise” of cutting its budget by 2 percent earlier this year; in response, the agency came up with a proposal that it said would result in a $4.7 million shortfall in its administrative budget, which already falls far short of what most government agencies set aside for these positions.

The city of Seattle has tremendous sway over KCRHA’s actions because it provides most of the authority’s budget, along with King County; in recent years, the Harrell administration has used that power to claw back control over homelessness prevention and outreach, which the city restructured earlier this year. Harrell has reportedly not wanted to get involved in the dispute over Kinnison’s management of the agency; a spokesperson for the mayor declined to answer questions, citing the investigation.

Kinnison was chosen after Harrell’s pick to head the KCRHA on an interim basis, Darrell Powell, withdrew his name for the permanent position and stepped down after PubliCola reported statements he made about LGBTQ staffers and allegations that he repeatedly used an ableist slur in the presence of staff, among other issues.

KCRHA’s budget is also perennially in the red, ever since—in an effort to do a better job of paying contractors on time—the agency began taking out loans to fund up-front payments to nonprofit homeless service providers, leaving the agency in debt until all its funding comes in at end of the budget year.

Three Fun Things for August 24, 2025

Michael Pollan on Psychedelics, Slacker, and an old favorite in Belltown

This Week on PubliCola: August 23, 2025

Big bonuses for top cops, election fallout, anti-LGBTQ group relocates provocative event, and more.

Monday, August 18

Harrell Fared Worst In Southeast Seattle District He Once Represented on City Council

A geographic breakdown of primary election results shows that Mayor Bruce Harrell lost badly in the primary on his own home turf—Southeast Seattle’s 37th District, where he won just 36 percent of the vote to challenger Katie Wilson’s 56 percent. Harrell also failed to win a majority in any Seattle district.

City Plans Major Overhaul of Affordable Housing Tax-Break Program

The city is getting ready to overhaul a program that provides tax breaks to developers who agree to keep 25 percent of their apartments affordable for 12 years, known as the Multifamily Tax Exemption program (MFTE). It’s the city’s main program for providing housing affordable to moderate-income people, but in recent years, developers have become less likely to participate in the voluntary program.

Tuesday, August 19

SPD Chiefs Received $50,000 Bonuses Meant to Address Police Hiring Shortage

Two of the top-level staff hired by new Police Chief Shon Barnes, Deputy Chief Andre Sayles and Assistant Chief Nicole Powell, received lateral hiring bonuses that were created to hire more trained police officers, not as incentives for command staff. SPD told us the two top executives were “eligible” for the bonuses.

Christian Nationalist Rally, Planned for Cal Anderson Park, Will Move to Gas Works Park

The anti-LGBTQ organizers of the August 30 “Revive in ’25” event planned for Cal Anderson Park, in the heart of Seattle’s historic LGBTQ neighborhood, agreed to move the event to Gas Works Park after negotiations with city officials, including the mayor and City Councilmember Joy Hollingsworth. The voluntary relocation came after the city determined that they didn’t have legal authority to deny the permit or force the group to move.

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Wednesday, August 20

New Police Chief Shon Barnes Accepted $50,000 Hiring Bonus Created for Rank and File Officers

After reporting on the hiring bonuses SPD provided to a new deputy chief and assistant chief, PubliCola confirmed that Police Chief Shon Barnes also received the $50,000 bonus created to increase the number of deployable police officers. SPD said Barnes’ bonus was allowed under the legislation that created and the bonus.

Friday, August 22

County Executive Candidate Balducci Proposes Dedicated Funding for Retail Theft Prosecutions

Claudia Balducci, a King County Council member who’s running for county executive, announced plans to introduce a measure that would dedicate a portion of a recently approved countywide 0.1-cent sales tax increase to create a permanent retail crimes task force. Balducci, who came in second in the primary behind her council colleague Girmay Zahilay, said prosecuting retail theft would help prevent store closures like that of a Fred Meyer in Kent.

Chamber CEO Leaves, Mayor’s Office Contradicts SPD Explanation for Police Chief’s Bonus, Progressives Prevail in Burien, and More

Friday’s Afternoon Fizz included stories about the departure of Seattle Chamber of Commerce CEO Rachel Smith; conflicting explanations for Chief Barnes’ $50,000 bonus; progressive victories in Burien, a city that recently passed a complete ban on sleeping in public aimed at barring homeless people from the city; and details from the permit for the relocated “Revive in ‘25” event at Gas Works Park.

Chamber CEO Leaves, Mayor’s Office Contradicts SPD Explanation for Police Chief’s Bonus, Progressives Prevail in Burien, and More

1. Rachel Smith, the longtime CEO of the Seattle Metropolitan Chamber of Commerce, is moving on to become director of the Washington Roundtable, a statewide group that represents large employers.

According to a press release, Smith will leave the Chamber as of October 1; Gabriella Buono, the Chamber’s Chief Impact Officer, will be interim president and CEO until the Chamber’s board picks a permanent replacement.

Smith became head of the Chamber in January 2020, just as the group was reeling from a 2019 election in which the Chamber’s political action committee, Civic Alliance for a Sound Economy, spent unprecedented millions to defeat City Council incumbents. That flood of money appeared to spark a backlash against big-business spending, and the Chamber’s candidates mostly flopped. In 2021, the Chamber decided not to endorse any candidates—and, in that election, the more conservative candidates prevailed.

Under Smith’s nearly five years as its leader, the Chamber  has thrown its weight behind internal and public-facing campaigns to defeat social housing (the Chamber urged the council to delay the election and backed a ballot alternative that would have directed the city to spend existing funds on traditional affordable housing), as well as a number of efforts to squelch progressive tax proposals.

They’ve opposed the business and occupation tax reform proposal, which—if voters approve it—will pay for critical programs at risk for budget cuts; supported Mayor Bruce Harrell’s efforts to sweep homeless encampments, particularly downtown; and backed a proposed city charter amendment, “Compassion Seattle,” that would have required the city to keep all public spaces clear of encampments while imposing an unfunded mandate for homeless services on the city.

Under Smith, the Chamber also backed the Seattle Transportation Levy and connected the dots between the housing crisis and Seattle’s need to upzone, supporting efforts to build “middle housing” across the city.

2. As we reported earlier this week, Seattle Police Chief Shon Barnes received a $50,000 hiring bonus when he was hired, as did a new deputy chief and assistant chief he hired from Beloit, Wisconsin, and New Orleans, respectively. According to SPD, all three chiefs were eligible for the bonuses under legislation, passed in 2022 and amended two years later, that authorized $50,000 “lateral” hiring bonuses for police officers with existing job experience.

As we also reported, the sponsors of the legislation never intended for the bonuses to go to command staff, and the legislation itself says it applies only to police officers in the civil service, not management or executive-level staff.

SPD told us the city “offered as part of [Barnes’] compensation a ‘hiring incentive’ of $50,000 under the City’s 2024 legislation, which is related to the recruitment and retention of police officers at the understaffed Seattle Police Department. Asked about this, Mayor Bruce Harrell’s office gave a somewhat contradictory response.

“Chief Barnes is a nationally recognized leader in the field and the inclusion of the $50,000 was negotiated as part of his offer letter,” a spokesperson said, adding that the mayor was “not involved” in the other two $50,000 bonuses. This suggests that Barnes’ bonus was not actually a standard “lateral” incentive—as SPD has said—but was something the mayor’s office offered him on top of his $360,000 salary and other perks. The two contradictory explanations for Barnes’ hiring bonus leave the true origin of this unusual hiring bonus unclear.

Harrell’s office said Barnes’ “negotiated compensation makes his package consistent with the West Coast Seven (Long Beach, Portland, Sacramento, San Francisco, San Diego, San Jose, and Seattle), where in 2023 the median salary for police chiefs was $476,454 and the average salary was $424,712.” the spokesperson said.

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3. The Burien City Council, which in recent years has adopted a series of increasingly onerous laws targeting homeless people, could soon take a more progressive turn. Progressives (including incumbents Sarah Moore and Hugo Garcia, plus Sam Méndez, a progressive running to replace Jimmy Matta, who’s leaving the council) hold commanding leads in all three council races on the August primary ballot.

That bodes poorly for Stephanie Mora, the council’s most conservative member, who’s being challenged by progressive Rocco DeVito; their race wasn’t on the August ballot because they were the only two candidates. Mora, a staunch opponent of allowing homeless shelters or authorized encampments anywhere in Burien, has argued that the government has no role to play in addressing homelessness.

Kevin Schilling, the council member who currently serves as mayor of Burien, isn’t doing so well in his own race to defeat 33rd District state Rep. Edwin Obras, either. With the election certified, Obras has 48.2 percent of the vote to Schilling’s 34.6 percent. Schilling lost by the highest margin in the city where he’s mayor, trailing Obras by 15 points in Burien.

4. PubliCola obtained a copy of the permit for a controversial “Revive in ’25” rally in Gas Works Park. As PubliCola was first to report, the contentious event was relocated from Cal Anderson Park on Capitol Hill after negotiations between its anti-LGBTQ organizers and city officials, including City Councilmember Joy Hollingsworth and Mayor Harrell.

The permit reveals few details about the event, except that the group, led by Christian nationalist minister Sean Feucht, expects 350 people to attend—less than a similar “Mayday USA” rally at Cal Anderson earlier this year.

Although the permit goes from 9 am to 9 pm, the rally and concert is scheduled for 5 pm—leaving organizers plenty of time to hold a planned “Jesus March” in the streets around Cal Anderson before heading over to Fremont for the main event. Organizers have removed references to this march from their Facebook page, but have not publicly said they won’t be marching. According to city officials, Feucht’s group did not apply for a street use or special event permit for a march.