Category: Mayor Harrell

At Most, 11 Percent of Encampment Residents End Up Sheltered After Sweeps; City Could Bring Back Neighborhood Corner Stores

1. The city’s Unified Care Team, which removes homeless encampments and informs their displaced residents about open shelter beds, “extended a total of 1,830 offers of shelter” between July and September 2023, converting 587 of those offers into “referrals” to specific shelters, according to a report released earlier this month. Of those referrals, according to the report, only 209 people, or just over 11 percent of the people who received shelter “offers,” actually showed up at a shelter and stayed for at least one night. (This number, the report notes, could be a slight undercount due to incomplete data.)

This means that almost nine in ten people the UCT contacted prior to encampment sweeps did not end up in any form of shelter—a decline from the UCT’s previous report, which showed a 15 percent shelter enrollment rate. The UCT (which includes the Human Services Department’s team of outreach workers) does not make contact with everyone at an encampment, so the official numbers don’t include people who move elsewhere before a sweep or don’t engage with city workers for other reasons, such as a lack of outreach or because they know they don’t want to move into congregate shelter.

The city’s “One Seattle Homelessness Action Plan” website includes the UCT’s offer and referral numbers, but not the much lower number of people who actually ended up in shelter.

The numbers show some geographic differences, and includes some of the reasons people gave for declining the UCT’s offers of shelter. The highest shelter acceptance and enrollment rates were in Northwest Seattle, and the lowest were in West Seattle and the center city, which includes downtown and Capitol Hill. In West Seattle, just 4 percent of people who received shelter offers ended up going to shelter (largely because only 11 percent accepted these offers), while just 8 percent ended up in shelter in central Seattle. Mayor Bruce Harrell has focused a huge amount of attention on “reopening” downtown Seattle, which has included swiftly removing encampments or tents that pop up in the area.

When asked why they didn’t accept a shelter offer, most people told the UCT they didn’t want the specific bed they were being offered. Often, the data indicates, this was because they were only offered an “enhanced shelter bed”—a term that encompasses group shelters that are open 24 hours and offer services—rather than permanent housing or a spot in a tiny house village. Others said they wanted to stay with their partners, family members, or pets; didn’t want to relinquish the car or RV where they were living; or didn’t find the shelter location acceptable. The UCT does not offer transportation to shelter, which may be far away from the communities where unsheltered people live.

The UCT is required to produce quarterly reports on their work under a statement of legislative intent imposed by the City Council in 2022. The council imposed a similar requirement for next year as part of its 2024 budget.

2. As Josh reported in his column last week, Seattle doesn’t have a program to activate or site corner retail in residential areas—yet.

According to Office of Planning Construction and Development director Nathan Torgelson, OPCD is “considering allowing corner stores in [neighborhood residential] zones as part of the Comprehensive Plan Update process.” Torgelson is referring to the city’s Environmental Impact Statement Scoping Report, released last November, which outlined potential policy and zoning changes that should be studied in advance of considering alternatives for Seattle’s 2024 Comprehensive Plan update. The comp plan is a document that guides future growth across the city over a 20-year time span; the plan undergoes a “major” update every eight years.

On its final pages, the 29-page scoping document says that in order to “support City goals such as allowing more people to walk or bike to everyday needs,” the city could consider “Allowing more flexibility for commercial uses such as more retail on arterial streets, home businesses, and corner stores in certain areas” and “Combining the multifamily and mixed-use/commercial designations on the Comprehensive Plan’s Future Land Use Map categories to reflect that commercial space may be reasonable in a wider variety of areas.”

As we’ve reported, the release date for the EIS has been pushed back repeatedly, so there’s no word yet about any substantive corner store proposal.

As Josh noted, Spokane’s planning department identified 95 spaces, including in residential areas, that could be converted to retail. This fall, Vancouver, BC’s planning department surveyed the public in a proactive corner store push to “gather feedback on how residents feel about corner stores and potential opportunities for expanding uses, locations, and building types.”

—Erica C. Barnett, Josh Feit

Harrell Hosts Friendly Press Conference With Council He Helped Elect

By Erica C. Barnett

Mayor Bruce Harrell hosted an unusual—possibly unprecedented—press conference at City Hall on Friday morning to “welcome” five new City Councilmembers to the city, including four whose campaigns he supported and a fifth, Bob Kettle, whose views largely align with Harrell’s but whom the mayor did not endorse. (Andrew Lewis, the incumbent, ultimately supported legislation backed by Harrell to criminalize drug use in Seattle, but Lewis’ early opposition became a key issue in the campaign.)

He was “very proud,” Harrell said, to “see how [the five] led with integrity, commitment, passion” during the campaign.

“Too often, I think, people want to put politicians in a binary box of progressive or moderate, when in reality, this group is less concerned about the hardline ideologies and more committed to just simply getting stuff done,” Harrell said. “And that’s why I think this is so exciting.”

Harrell, a longtime former council member himself, has spoken often of his “collaborative” approach to dealing with the city council; at a going-away event for three of the departing councilmembers last week, he ticked off a list of council bills he had signed and noted that even socialist Kshama Sawant voted to support all but 22 of the bills he sent down over the last two years. (Harrell, who showed up at the end of the event, shushed outgoing councilmember Lisa Herbold as she chatted away in the back of the room during his speech).

As much as the mayor and council may collaborate on legislation, though, they are two independent branches of government that are supposed to exist in natural tension—which makes the new councilmembers’ decision to line up behind the mayor in his office and thank him for his campaign support, as several did on Friday, all the weirder. For the mayor to hold a photo op with the council majority he just helped sweep into office communicates, in the starkest visual terms, that he sees them as allies, not (potential) adversaries. By participating in the photo op, the new council members sent a message, intentionally or not, that they agree with this interpretation.

The new council is meeting now to discuss who will be in charge of which committee, in preparation for official assignments by incoming council president Sara Nelson first thing next year. (Although the council is subject to the state Open Public Meetings Act, which prohibits a majority of an elected body from meeting to discuss business in private, future council members are not.)

Although no one would talk openly about the new assignments, PubliCola has heard that incumbent Dan Strauss will be budget chair; incumbent Tammy Morales will head up the land use committee; Kettle will be in charge of public safety; and Rob Saka will chair the transportation committee. If those assignments are correct, that leaves Nelson, Joy Hollingsworth, Maritza Rivera, and Cathy Moore to carve up the remaining committee assignments, which currently include utilities, homelessness, renters’ rights, economic development, and governance and Native communities. The council president usually takes on one of the lower-profile committees—like outgoing council president Debora Juarez’ governance, Native communities, and tribal governments committee.

As always, committees’ subject areas will change (and have changed dramatically in the past), depending on council members’ interests. Currently, for example, Morales chairs the Neighborhoods, Education, Civil Rights & Culture committee, while departing Councilmember Kshama Sawant chairs the Sustainability and Renters’ Rights committee. Neither is likely to continue in its current form under the incoming council.

City Unions Reach Tentative Contract, Business Spending on Council Campaigns Tops $1.5 Million

City union members roll out a petition for better wages in the lobby of City Hall earlier this year.

1. The Coalition of City Unions, an umbrella group for 11 unions that represent more than 8,000 city of Seattle employees, reached a tentative agreement with the city this week that will—if the unions approve the contract—provide a 5 percent retroactive cost-of-living adjustment for 2023 and a 4.5 percent COLA next year, resulting in a total 9.7 percent boost for city workers in 2024. After that, employees will get an annual COLA equal to or 1 percent higher than the increase in the local consumer price index, a measure of inflation, with a floor of 2 percent and a cap of 4 percent a year.

The proposal does not include a “COLA bank”—an innovation in the new fire department contract that allows firefighters to store “excess” cost of living increases during years when inflation is higher than 4 percent. This means employees represented by Coalition unions could see their COLAs dip as low as 2 percent if inflation sinks to that level, without “saved” funds to add to their annual cost of living increases to keep their annual adjustments more steady.

According to a letter union leaders sent to represented staff Thursday morning, the new contract proposal also includes market wage adjustments for more than 170 job classifications, an increase in hourly pay for swing and graveyard-shift workers, and improvements to vacation time accrual rates.

PubliCola has been reporting on the negotiations since March, when Mayor Bruce Harrell started negotiations with a proposal to increase city employees’ pay by a sub-inflationary 1 percent, an offer union leaders and rank-and-file workers called “insulting.” In November, workers held “practice pickets” as a prelude to a potential strike.

2. Independent expenditure campaigns once again raised and spent far more money actual city council candidates this year, flooding mailboxes and dominating TV airwaves in the weeks before the November election. Together, six business-backed campaigns spent well over $1.5 million, including one—Elliott Bay Neighbors, which backed former Meta attorney Rob Saka in West Seattle’s District 1—accounting for almost a third of that amount.

According to campaign finance documents, all but one of the six IE campaigns funded by real estate interests this year spent significantly more than they raised, meaning that they laid out huge amounts to win elections, assuming that funders would come up with the money later.

There’s nothing illegal or unusual about campaigns spending money they don’t, strictly speaking, have, but the new expenditure reports do put into stark relief just how much real estate companies, landlords, the hotel and restaurant industry, and business owners in general were willing to spend to get a city council friendly to their interests.

Take Saka, who defeated Amazon labor activist Maren Costa in West Seattle’s District 1. According to reports filed this month, the independent expenditure campaign working on his behalf, Elliott Bay Neighbors, spent $472,000 to get him elected while bringing in $307,000—a $165,000 gap. In District 5, the similarly named Greenwood Neighbors spent $280,000 and raised $203,000 supporting former judge Cathy Moore in her lopsided race against social equity consultant ChrisTiana ObeySumner, while in the more competitive race for District 4 (northeast Seattle),  University Neighbors spent $337,000 helping former city Arts and Culture deputy director Maritza Rivera defeat urbanist attorney Ron Davis, against a total of $275,000 raised so far.

In downtown Seattle’s District 7, Downtown Neighbors spent $190,000 helping retired Navy vet Bob Kettle defeat incumbent Andrew Lewis while raising $149,000, and in District 2, Friends of Southeast Seattle spent $168,000 boosting neighborhood advocate Tanya Woo’s unsuccessful campaign against incumbent Tammy Morales, raising $118,000.

In fact, the only outside spending campaign that raised close to what it spent in the fairly amicable race for District 3 (central Seattle), where cannabis entrepreneur Joy Hollingsworth defeated transportation advocate Alex Hudson with the help of $106,000 from the Seattle Neighbors campaign. On a per-vote basis, businesses spent the most on Saka (about $26 a vote, based on current expenditures reported), followed by Rivera with around $24 per vote).

Without New Funding, Diversion Program at Center of Drug Law Will Stop Taking New Clients by May

LEAD’s ability to take community referrals has shrunk over time, with huge geographic losses after the new drug law went into effect October 20.

By Erica C. Barnett

Let Everyone Advance With Dignity (LEAD), a program that diverts people who commit low-level crimes away from the criminal legal system, was touted by supporters of a new law criminalizing public drug use as an all-purpose response to concerns that the new law would clog local jails and courts with people who need social services, not punishment. LEAD, a program of Purpose Dignity Action (formerly the Public Defender Association), provides case management and referrals to resources, including housing and addiction treatment.

But the law, which stipulates that police should use diversion as a first resort, didn’t come with any additional funding, and Mayor Bruce Harrell’s budget slightly cut funding for the program rather than increasing it, which meant that if LEAD was going to be the conduit for all drug arrest referrals, it would need to stop taking new clients through avenues other than arrests, such as referrals from community members—a zero-sum game, because the total amount of diversion LEAD could provide in Seattle would remain about the same.

For years, LEAD worked purposefully to expand its scope so that clients could enter the program through many avenues, not just arrests. By moving back to an arrest-first approach, LEAD—which originally stood for Law Enforcement Assisted Diversion—will effectively be returning to its roots.

“Right now, we’re controlling our capacity issue by denying community referrals, but we will not even be able to continue to accept police referrals—even arrest diversions that are called for by the ordinance and called for by the SPD policy—by late spring.”—LEAD co-director Lisa Daugaard

Already, LEAD has limited community referrals to three areas of the city—Third Avenue downtown, the Rainier Valley, and the Chinatown/International District. “So what this means, effectively, is that if you are a community partner in Ballard, U District, Aurora, SoDo, the East Precinct, or West Seattle, and you’re identifying a totally appropriate LEAD candidate who we could probably help with, we’re saying no and we’re routinely blanket denying those,” PDA co-director Lisa Daugaard told the City Council’s public safety committee earlier this week. ” And of course, that’s having a depressing effect on people’s interest in making referrals, because it’s pointless” outside the three focus areas.

Without additional funding from the city or state—which funds LEAD programs in other parts of the state but has never funded LEAD in Seattle—LEAD will have to stop taking all new referrals sometime between April and May, when they’ll max out their capacity at 1,060 clients. “Right now, we’re controlling our capacity issue by denying community referrals, but we will not even be able to continue to accept police referrals—even arrest diversions that are called for by the ordinance and called for by the SPD policy—by late spring.”

Referrals to LEAD spiked in late October, when the new drug law went into effect. On that date, the Seattle Police Department swept through the area around 12th and Jackson—a favored spot for high-profile, camera-friendly SPD operations—and arrested 25 people on drug charges, jailing 10 of them on outstanding felony warrants that had nothing to do with the drug law. (Police touted these arrests but did not explain why they needed an unrelated misdemeanor law to arrest people for pre-existing felonies). The one-day operation led to a brief spike in LEAD referrals, Daugaard said, and any future operations will have a similar effect.

City attorney Ann Davison talked tough about arrests when she first proposed the new law earlier this year, while making vague comments about “treatment.” However, if SPD began arresting people en masse for using drugs in public, there would be little point, since the downtown jail doesn’t have the capacity to book people on low-level drug cases, and the city attorney’s office doesn’t have the capacity to prosecute them all.

Under Vague Emergency Driving Policy, SPD Officers’ Reckless Driving Often Goes Unpunished

Seattle police officer Kevin Dave (SPD body camera footage)

By Andrew Engelson

On the evening of May 9, 2022, eight months before Seattle Police Department officer Kevin Dave struck and killed Jaahnavi Kandula while driving 74 miles an hour, a different SPD officer, John Marion, was seen speeding south on I-5 without his lights or sirens on. 

A driver observed Marion’s behavior and filed a complaint with the Office of Police Accountability (OPA). After consulting GPS records, body-worn video, and in-car video, OPA concluded that Marion was driving as fast as 106 miles an hour and didn’t turn on his lights or sirens. In addition, Marion was driving fast for no reason: OPA determined he was not responding to an active 911 call. 

The report concluded that Marion had violated the department’s policies on what it calls “emergency vehicle operations,” which specify when an officer can break the speed limit or violate traffic laws. Marion received no punishment beyond an oral reprimand.

SPD’s policies on emergency driving are vague, advising officers that they should engage in emergency driving when there is “legitimate concern for the preservation of life” and “only when the need outweighs the risk.” These guidelines give officers enormous leeway when determining if a call merits driving at high speeds, according to Seattle Community Police Commission (CPC) co-chair Joel Merkel. 

Dave was heading to respond to a call from a person who thought he had taken too much cocaine and was standing outside his South Lake Union apartment building when he accelerated to more than three times the speed limit on Dexter Ave., striking Kandula in a crosswalk. Merkel wonders if similar tragedies could be prevented if SPD had more specific guidelines. “There are a number of circumstances in that situation that the policy doesn’t really address,” he said. “It talks about ongoing risk assessment. But what does the policy say with respect to lighting? Or how much traffic is present? Or how many pedestrians are present?”

Shannon Cheng, the chair of People Power Washington, a group that advocates for increased police accountability, worries that SPD will try to frame the fatal collision as one officer’s mistake rather than a larger pattern of irresponsible driving. “One of the first rules of emergency response is to ensure safety both for yourself, the person you’re going to help and anybody along the way,” Cheng said. “This officer did not follow this basic first rule that every first responder learns. That does raise questions. Is this a more systemic issue within the police department?”

The King County Prosecutor’s Office has hired a consultant to review video of the collision that killed Kandula, and will decide whether to press charges against the officer once that review is complete.

While much of the recent debate over police driving has focused on whether or not to limit pursuits, similar risks associated with responding to emergency calls have largely slipped under the radar. Publicly available data on high speeds and risky behavior by SPD officers is virtually nonexistent. That’s unfortunate, Merkel says, because emergency responses are much more common than pursuits.

“911 responses that demand an emergency response and operating your vehicle outside of normal traffic patterns to effectively respond quickly – that’s far more common than an officer pursuing another vehicle,” Merkel said. “They are both incredibly dangerous to the community.”

OPA found that officer Ivanov had pursued two people who weren’t involved in the shooting but “fled out of fear.” The report also noted that one of Ivanov’s supervisors arrived on the scene after the Volvo crashed and said, “That’s not our guy. It doesn’t even come close to the description I put out.” OPA recommended a two-day suspension for Ivanov.

What SPD calls “emergency vehicle operations” includes any response to a 911 call that involves violating speed limits or other traffic rules. It doesn’t include pursuits, which have their own, separate policy. Under that policy, pursuits require supervisor approval and are only allowed when the person poses a “significant imminent threat of death or serious physical injury to others.” SPD’s pursuit policy spells out factors to consider before engaging in a chase, including weather, road conditions, and whether pedestrians are present.

SPD’s policy on emergency driving, in contrast, offer only perfunctory guidelines, instructing officers: “The preservation of life is the highest priority. Criminal apprehension and the preservation of property are secondary.” In addition, it advises officers that they should use an emergency response “where there is a legitimate concern for the preservation of life” and “only when the need outweighs the risk.” 

SPD’s policy doesn’t specify what sort of calls justify emergency driving. It’s unclear, for instance, if officers can or should violate traffic rules when responding to violent felonies or in-progress domestic violence incidents. The policy gives officers wide discretion, even allowing emergency driving in response to in-progress misdemeanors or property crimes such as stolen cars.

When asked how the department balances the need for fast response times and SPD’s emergency response policy, which states that officers “drive no faster than reasonably necessary to safely arrive at the scene,” SPD spokesperson John O’Neil declined to answer that question. Instead, he pointed out that SPD’s median response time to priority 1 calls—the most serious type of calls— increased from 6.3 minutes in 2018 to 7.2 minutes in 2022. 

PubliCola reviewed scores of OPA reports and found numerous examples in which SPD officers were investigated for excessive speed, including officers with multiple incidents involving high speeds or aggressive driving.

Before his I-5 speeding incident last year, for example, officer Marion was also the subject of a 2018 complaint for driving aggressively in traffic while not responding to any emergency. According to the report, Marion tailgated a vehicle, accelerated, and sped up to get alongside the vehicle’s driver side. The man who filed the complaint said Marion then “stared him down,” “suddenly accelerated,” changed lanes, and continued driving. OPA did not find that Marion broke any rules, but required him to go through additional training.

In November, OPA issued its findings on a December 2022 incident in which SPD officer Ilya Ivanov started a high-speed pursuit that OPA said wasn’t justified. Chasing a Volvo that Ivanov told investigators he believed was driven by someone involved in drive-by shooting, the officer followed the car at speeds over 100 miles per hour on Martin Luther King Jr. Way S, S. Othello St., and residential streets nearby. 

OPA found in its investigation that Ivanov had pursued two people who weren’t involved in the shooting but “fled out of fear.” The report also noted that one of Ivanov’s supervisors arrived on the scene after the Volvo crashed and said, “That’s not our guy. It doesn’t even come close to the description I put out.” OPA recommended a two-day suspension for Ivanov.

In 2022, OPA investigated another incident in which Ivanov engaged in a high-speed pursuit of a burglary suspect that also reached speeds of over 100 miles per hour. The chase continued south of Seattle to Renton, where the suspect eventually collided with two vehicles not involved in the pursuit, and injured two bystanders.

Investigators found that the risks the SPD officers took chasing the non-violent suspect “grew significantly during the pursuit and, ultimately, outweighed the need to catch the suspect vehicle. At that point, the pursuit should have been terminated.” OPA ordered Ivanov to receive more training.

OPA’s investigations over the past four years include numerous cases of unjustified pursuits; two incidents in which officers drove more than 50 miles per hour in 25-mile-per-hour zones; an officer who allegedly drove 85 miles per hour on her way home from work; a high-speed chase on Aurora Avenue that injured a bystanding driver; an incident in which two SPD officers raced each other;  and an officer who drove his police vehicle to a bar and, after getting drunk crashed his squad car. That officer, Gregory Tomlinson, was briefly suspended, but is still with SPD. The OPA wrote in its report that it “hopes that this behavior is not repeated in the future.”

Cheng says this proliferation of driving-related incidents and lack of meaningful discipline results in a mismatch between what the public expects will happen when officers engage in risky behavior and what the union contract with the Seattle Police Officers Guild (SPOG) allows.  “lf an officer did something so bad that they decided that they needed to fire them,” Cheng said, “you still have this issue with arbitration and that the officers have the right to appeal that decision.” Firings, Cheng noted, rarely happen.

Cheng hopes that at a minimum, the new SPOG contract—which has been in negotiations since 2019 —will have tighter arbitration policies, similar to what’s in the contract the city council approved for the Seattle Police Management Association (SPMA) last year. 

“It used to be that if an officer went to arbitration, it was like a whole new trial where they could bring up new evidence that OPA wouldn’t have had access to,” Cheng said. “The SPMA contract tightened that up and said you need to disclose all the information up front, and you can’t bring in new information late in the game to try to overturn a disciplinary decision.”

Martina Morris, a professor of sociology at the University of Washington who has studied the risks of high-speed pursuits, said that SPOG’s collective bargaining process has created obstacles to accountability. Morris worries that SPD will treat both Kandula’s death—and officer Daniel Auderer’s jokes about her “limited value”—as mistakes made by a few bad apples. “Based on [Auderer’s] leaked bodycam audio, it’s clear there is a culture in place at SPD that civil judgements will deflect, and take the place of, systemic assessment and reform,” she said.

The pertinent question, Community Police Commission co-chair Joel Merkel said, is “does the operation of the vehicle outside of the traffic pattern match the emergency? If it’s a really big emergency, you probably want that vehicle operating far outside traffic rules. But if it’s a very small emergency, you probably don’t.”

Earlier this year, a KUOW report found a significant number of SPD officers did not have the updated emergency vehicle operations training required by a new state law that reduced restrictions on pursuits. In response, the CPC wrote a letter to police chief Adrian Diaz in June asking how many officers had up-to-date emergency vehicle operations training and why SPD’s policies on emergency response are more vague than its policies on pursuit.

SPD spokesman O’Neil said 95 percent of officers are now up to date with the required emergency vehicle operations “refresher,” an hour-long online course that goes over pursuits, braking times, and other safety considerations when driving at high speeds. 

The Washington state legislature passed legislation limiting police pursuits in 2021 and and then relaxed some of those restrictions earlier this year. State law requires “reasonable suspicion” that a suspect has committed a violent offense, sexual assault, or poses a serious risk of harm to others. SPD’s policy on pursuits says an officer must establish “probable cause” (a higher legal standard) that there is an imminent threat of death or serious injury. According to SPD policy, an officer has to get supervisor approval for a pursuit and weigh various factors including weather and road conditions, and whether there are other pedestrians or drivers in the area.

SPD’s emergency response policy, however, is much more open-ended and does not require officers to consider those factors.

“There are some rules with respect to emergency response, but they’re very vague and leave a lot of discretion to the officer—with the overarching goal of preserving life and ongoing risk assessment,” Merkel said. “There are plenty of areas within that vague policy that could benefit from more specific directions.”

Other police departments have more specific policies related to emergency response. In Portland, the city’s police department manual says that police can only break speed limits or traffic laws when responding to Code 3 calls (the most serious), which include a “person’s life in danger, crime in progress, [or] crime with suspects present.” Denver’s police procedures specify when emergency response is acceptable, including “shootings, robberies in progress, explosions, other catastrophes, or major disasters in which lives are endangered.” San Francisco’s police manual goes further, noting that police can engage in emergency response to Code 3 calls “only when an emergency response appears reasonably necessary to prevent serious injury to persons”—regardless of what type of crime is being committed.

The pertinent question, Merkel said, is “does the operation of the vehicle outside of the traffic pattern match the emergency? If it’s a really big emergency, you probably want that vehicle operating far outside traffic rules. But if it’s a very small emergency, you probably don’t.”

While SPD’s pursuit rules require lights and sirens “as necessary,” its emergency response rules require only “audible signals,” which can include shorter “chirps” or intermittent bursts from sirens. Merkel believes officers should be required to use their lights and sirens during both pursuits and emergency response.

In reply to the CPC’s letter, Chief Diaz wrote that SPD was “evaluating edits to make the two policies more consistent, as we fully agree that most of the same considerations, notwithstanding the fleeing driver, are present in both circumstances.”

In response to a question from PubliCola about this review to make SPD’s policies on pursuit and emergency response more similar, SPD spokesperson O’Neil said, “The changes to [emergency vehicle operations] are under review by the policy section and the Community Police Commission has indicated that they will be engaging community on this policy.”

Cheng is skeptical that a change in the policy will result in safer driving by SPD officers. “If we get this pretty piece of paper with strong-sounding words on it, but officers don’t respect that, or feel like ‘well, I can behave however I want, and I’ll still be found to have acted within policy,’ it’s not going to bring the change that we want,” she said.

It’s up to SPD officers to determine if a call requires an emergency response, and nothing in SPD’s policy manual specifically states whether the priority of the call matters when deciding whether or not to break traffic rules. “The 911 center doesn’t determine how they respond in their vehicles,” 911 operations deputy directory Jason Adams said.

Making the problem more complex is the movement of 911 call center operations from SPD to a civilian city department in 2021 – now rebranded as the CARE department.

SPD’s emergency response policies don’t refer to the categories that the 911 call center uses to prioritize calls. It’s also not clear if priority 1 calls always require police officers to disregard traffic laws to reach the scene quickly. Dave, for instance, was responding to a priority 1 call when he struck Kandula, but 911 operators and the fire department had already determined that the caller was conscious, lucid, and not in imminent danger well before Dave accelerated to 74 miles an hour on Dexter Ave.

Jacob Adams, deputy director of 911 operations, said the primary reason 911 operators designate a call priority 1 is that it “represents an imminent threat to life.” Adams said that priority 1 calls could also include “possible medical emergency calls, any response with Seattle Fire [Department], serious assaults, in-progress domestic violence-related incidents, and hang-up, abandoned, or unknown circumstance calls.”

However, it’s up to SPD officers to determine if a call requires an emergency response, and nothing in SPD’s policy manual specifically states whether the priority of the call matters when deciding whether or not to break traffic rules. “The 911 center doesn’t determine how they respond in their vehicles,” Adams said.

Merkel would like to see more specific wording in SPD’s manual about when officers should use emergency driving to respond to dispatches, and wants SPD to add considerations such as weather, pedestrians, and traffic to the policy. But he’s concerned the police union will push back against more specific wording.

“A policy that has clear guidelines is arguably something that’s easier to violate than something that’s vague,” Merkel said. “It would be consistent with their past practices to resist policies that provide more prescription rather than discretion.”

SPOG did not respond to requests for comment about SPD’s emergency response policies.

Meanwhile, Cheng is closely watching negotiations over the SPOG contract, especially regarding arbitration, which often reinstates officers who’ve been accused of misconduct. She pointed to an arbitrator reinstating an SPD officer who punched a handcuffed woman (a decision the Washington State Court of Appeals later reversed) as an example of how difficult it is to seriously reprimand officers who engage in excessive speeds or other misconduct.

“If the end goal is that we want to change the culture of the police department by trying to get rid of these bad apples, then we need to fire them,” Cheng said.

City Budget Will Fund Shotspotter—But Also Significant Progressive Priorities, Including $20 Million for Student Mental Health

Image credit: Chicago Office of Inspector General

By Erica C. Barnett

The outgoing city council is making its final amendments to Mayor Bruce Harrell’s proposed 2024 budget—the final city budget for six of the council’s nine members, and the final year of budgeting before the city enters a period of ongoing $200 million-plus “structural” deficits resulting from a combination of increased costs (construction prices, for instance) and lower revenues from volatile sources, such as taxes on real estate transactions.

Members of the council’s progressive bloc flexed their muscles on some issues, such as funding pay increases for human-service workers, while capitulating on others, like Councilmember Sara Nelson’s proposal to direct $300,000 in city funds to private addiction treatment companies.

Here are some of this week’s budget highlights:

• Although the council plans to wait until after they pass next year’s budget before taking up new tax proposals to address the structural deficit, the biggest progressive win this year is a small tax increase that will fund something entirely new. Councilmember Kshama Sawant, who is leaving at the end of the year, proposed and passed a 0.1 percent (0.001) increase to the JumpStart payroll tax to fund mental health counseling and community-based programs for kids in Seattle Public Schools. The tax increase will increase annual revenues from the tax by $20 million, making this new program by far the biggest new investment in this year’s budget.

Sawant’s mental-health proposal had a compelling constituency. On Monday, dozens of current and former public school students testified at a budget hearing about the high rates of mental illness, depression, and suicide among their peers, making a convincing for a large new investment at a time when other needs—such as wage increases for thousands of city workers—remain unmet. Sawant did propose two amendments that would establish a fund to sustain worker pay increases in the future, but neither passed.

• Two proposals to address wage inequity between human services workers that were initially part of the council’s “consent package“—amendments the council has already hashed out and agreed collectively to support—got pulled out for further discussion by Councilmember Sara Nelson. Both amendments, which ultimately passed, addressed a problem that emerged when the city handed its homelessness contracts to the King County Regional Homelessness Authority: Although a 2019 law requires the city to fund annual inflationary adjustments for all the human services contracts it funds, a small number of contracts are funded directly by the federal government and aren’t subject to the annual pay increase requirement. The amendments will bring worker pay under those contracts in line with other human service workers.

Citing a column by Seattle Times columnist Danny Westneat, Councilmember Nelson noted that recent polls showed the council has a low approval rating and that voters don’t trust the city to spend their money well—a comment that prompted Mosqueda to retort that if the city fails to pay social service workers enough to live here, “more of the very people that continue to serve our most vulnerable will themselves be unhoused

Nelson argued that the changes, which will cost the city about $2 million next year, create an ongoing obligation without identifying a specific funding source to pay for it, and said the contracts were now the KCRHA’s responsibility, not the city’s. “We no longer have a statutory obligation to pay an inflationary adjustment,” Nelson said. “I understand that that is a desire, but again, we’re talking about another agency, and we’re not really responsible for how they run their books.” In response, council budget chair Teresa Mosqueda noted that the city is the KCRHA’s primary funder, and that the agency has no ability to raise money on its own “When we transferred these contracts, the intent was to ensure that there was inflationary adjustment and wage stability … no matter who held that contract,” Mosqueda said. 

Later in the afternoon, Nelson raised objections to a proposal by Herbold that would require agencies to demonstrate that they’re using city funds dedicated to annual wage increases for that purpose. Nelson argued that the city shouldn’t be assuming annual wage increases in the first place, but should base cost-of-living adjustments on performance standards.

Citing a column by Seattle Times columnist Danny Westneat, Nelson noted that recent polls showed the council has a low approval rating and that voters don’t trust the city to spend their money well—a comment that prompted Mosqueda to retort that if the city fails to pay social service workers enough to live here, “more of the very people that continue to serve our most vulnerable will themselves be unhoused, living in cars, living paycheck to paycheck, and that’s not how we create sustainability.”

• A 10-cent fee on app-based “network” companies like Doordash passed after a lengthy debate over which companies should be subject to the fee, whether the fee was too large, and who should have the authority to increase the fee in the future. Councilmember Lisa Herbold sponsored the underlying legislation, which applies to all app-based workers except Uber and Lyft drivers (who are now subject to a preemptive state law), along with an amendment that would reduce the fee for so-called “marketplace” network companies like Rover and TaskRabbit. These companies aren’t subject to minimum-pay requirements that apply to other gig-work companies because they allow workers to set their own rates and give workers more autonomy over which jobs they accept.

Nelson and Councilmember Alex Pedersen, who is leaving at the end of the year, both unsuccessfully attempted to water down the legislation. Pedersen’s failed amendments would have exempted marketplace companies from the fee and required council approval for any fee increase— a departure from the current system, in which the Department of Finance and Administrative Services (FAS) can increase or decrease many city fees on their own.

Nelson, meanwhile, proposed amendments that would prohibit the Office of Labor Standards to use fee revenue to implement the city’s minimum pay ordinance and cut the 10-cent fee in half. Both councilmembers’ proposals failed by narrow margins.’

According to a recent report by the Chicago inspector general, more than 90 percent of Shotspotter calls that resulted in a police response turned out to be false alarms; that city is joining several others, including New Orleans and Portland, in ending or canceling Shotspotter contracts.

• After the council rejected Harrell’s proposal to fund a gunshot detection system last year, the council appears ready to invest $1.5 million in a “pilot” that will include CCTV cameras in addition to audio surveillance devices. The system is generally referred to as Shotspotter after the company that provides the only widely used gunshot detection system.

As we’ve reported, Shotspotter is not a new or innovative technology, nor does it “detect” gunfire on its own. Instead, sensors installed on utility poles detect and determine the approximate location of outdoor sounds that resemble gunfire and alert human “acoustic experts” who listen to the audio and determine which ones sound like gunshots. These experts then alert police, who can be dispatched to the scene.

On Wednesday, the council voted to reject a proposal by Sawant to remove funding for Shotspotter from the budget and use the $1.5 million to fund behavioral health care at non-congregate shelters, foreshadowing next week’s overall budget vote. (Since Harrell’s budget includes Shotspotter by default, the council does not have to take a separate vote to fund the program.) Mosqueda did manage to add an amendment requiring a separate racial equity analysis for each new location where the city deploys the system; one frequent criticism of Shotspotter is that it leads to overpolicing in communities of color while doing nothing to reduce gun violence in those communities.

Shotspotter has been around for decades, so there’s a large body of evidence suggesting it doesn’t work to address gun violence and consumes scarce police resources by repeatedly sending police out on false alarms. According to a recent report by the Chicago inspector general, more than 90 percent of Shotspotter calls that resulted in a police response turned out to be false alarms; that city is joining several others, including New Orleans and Portland, in ending or canceling Shotspotter contracts.

• As we noted above, the council plans to put off a formal tax discussion until after the budget passes in late November, but we’ll have a separate update on the revenue discussion well before then, so stay tuned. Today, the council discussed Pedersen’s proposal to eliminate the utility tax and fill the $38 million gap by passing a 2 percent local tax on capital gains; skeptics of Pedersen’s proposal argued that the city needs more funding to fill the looming budget deficit, not a revenue-neutral tax swap. And council staff revealed that one of the potential taxes identified by the city’s progressive revenue task force—a “surtax” on JumpStart for very large companies whose CEOs make hundreds of times more than their median employee—would only net a relatively paltry sum of $2 million to $4 million a year.