Tag: shelter

A Tough-Love Shelter Provider Has a Foothold in Liberal Seattle, But Former Residents and Staff Say They Failed to Deliver on Promises

The More We Love got a contract to create a “receiving center” for women leaving the sex trade last year. Women who lived and worked there say the shelter offered few services and exposed some of its clients to harm.

By Erica C. Barnett

In June 2025, a local activist named Kristine Moreland brought several former sex workers who got shelter through her Kirkland-based nonprofit, The More We Love, to tell their stories in council chambers. The presentation, in then-Seattle City Councilmember Cathy Moore’s human services committee, served as a soft launch Moreland’s latest project—a motel-based shelter in Renton Moreland said could serve as a “receiving center” with wraparound services for women leaving the sex trade.

The conversation quickly became emotional. Moreland wept through most of her introductory comments, and Moore addressed the women through sobs.

Moreland told the committee that The More We Love’s approach is unique because, unlike other providers, the group and its staff serve as a “constant” for each woman they serve, working alongside them from the moment they make the decision to leave their pasts behind. “We’re not just responding—we’re building outcomes that change lives, and we do it by being people’s constants in a world that so often turns its back,” Moreland said, her voice insistent and serious. “We show up over and over again, we listen, we stay, we love people where they are, and we walk with them towards where they’re going—not perfectly, but faithfully.”

The women who came with Moreland praised her effusively. “You made me a better woman because you showed me how to be,” one told Moreland. “You open your arms and I fall apart every time because of my angels from The More We Love.”

Council member Moore, apologizing for losing her composure, said, “It’s just—your stories are so compelling, and we lose them so often. We lose these sight of who’s out there in the work that we’re doing. Sorry. I’m so grateful, so grateful.”

The previous year, as a companion to controversial legislation creating a new Stay Out of Areas of Prostitution (SOAP) zone on Aurora Ave. N, where street sex work is common, Moore had secured $2 million in the budget to fund services and shelter for women leaving the sex trade. But then she did something unorthodox.

Established service providers were in the middle of drafting proposals for funding when Moore halted the competitive bidding process and awarded $1 million directly to The More We Love in March 2025. According to the group’s contract,  the shelter program was supposed to offer “wraparound stabilization services,” including “survivor-led programming, peer mentorship, job training, financial planning, and referrals to long-term housing, treatment, and legal support.”‘

The contract didn’t get going until June 2025. (For that reason, the final award was closer to $600,000). By December, the city had placed a “pause” on enrollment in the program so HSD could look into the group’s compliance with basic city requirements, including record-keeping and confidentiality standards. According to a spokeswoman for the city’s Human Services Department, the city “found the shelter to be out of compliance in 13 areas of the Washington Administrative Code (WAC) and contract requirements.”

Moreland, who responded to our request for an interview with a lengthy email, characterized the city’s review as a routine “contractual ‘comprehensive review,'” not an investigation, and provided a compliance letter from HSD in which the department said The More We Love had corrected “most areas we found to be noncompliant.” However, HSD also noted in that letter that the department would continue to bar new enrollments in the program because it was “unable to verify areas of non-compliance before the end of the contract period.”

But the issues with The More We Love’s shelter program appear to run deeper than a mere failure to comply with the city’s basic requirements. In recent months, PubliCola has spoken to nearly a dozen people who worked for, lived in, or volunteered at the shelter who said they became disillusioned with the program after realizing how far it fell short of its lofty goals. Far from being each woman’s “constant,” they said, Moreland and her staff left women and their kids living in isolated motel rooms without the case management, counseling, and resources they needed to succeed.

 

Moreland won her first government contract largely through persistence. A charismatic, photogenic woman with an ear for soundbites, Moreland was a Kirkland mortgage broker and Union Gospel Mission volunteer when she started to pitch herself as a homeless service provider in 2023.

At the time, Moreland faced a number of legal and financial challenges: She owed the state of Washington at least $24,000 in unpaid fees and penalties related to a settlement of charges that she violated the state Consumer Lending Act, and had failed to pay at least $33,000 in credit card debt, resulting in a legal judgment from King Couny District Court. Two years earlier, she was charged with a DUI and briefly had her driver’s license suspended.

The More We Love didn’t start as a homeless service nonprofit. In its original incarnation, the group—which Moreland initially called the MORELove Project—pitched itself as a provide of private “sweeps,” offering to remove tents and people from business-owned properties for $515 a head.

When the city of Burien began debating how to address encampments in the city, Moreland started showing up at Burien City Council meetings to pitch her group as an effective alternative to traditional homeless service providers. In public comments, she expressed astonishment that other groups, like the established outreach organization REACH, were having such a hard time housing people when she had no trouble at all getting people out of tents and into detox, treatment, and housing.

Conservative Burien councilmembers like Stephanie Mora started pushing The More We Love as an innovative new solution to homelessness in the city. By 2024, Burien had canceled its contract with REACH and given it to Moreland’s group.

Homeless advocates were skeptical about Moreland’s miraculous-sounding claims, but over time, The More We Love became an integral part of Burien’s homeless response. But the More We Love has never released detailed information about its services or success rates, though. For two years, the only data they’ve released consists of a graphics-heavy three-page report that includes high-level numbers, like “303 people served” and “129 resource referrals,” which isn’t sufficient to know where its government funds are going or if they’re producing lasting results.

While she was securing trust and funding in Burien, Moreland was becoming a rising star among right-wing media in Seattle—all too happy to narrate on camera as the Discovery Institute’s Jonathan Choe filmed homeless people in crisis on Third Avenue, or to take center stage in a recent KIRO radio series about a boy who was found living in a tent with his mother.

Despite Moreland’s lack of traditional credentials, some—including representatives from two King County homeless service providers who spoke with PubliCola on background—have praised The More We Love for showing up immediately and getting people into shelter right away, at any time of day or night. They say Moreland has a special skill at convincing unsheltered people to come indoors—a frequent challenge when working with people who have repeatedly been burned by the homelessness system.

One provider said, approvingly, that The More We Love has been able to work closely with the Seattle Police Department to get people off the streets and into shelter instead of taking them to jail. (SPD told PubliCola they no longer refer people to Moreland’s group, but did not say why). That same provider also said Moreland frequently referred drug users to inpatient treatment at Lakeside-Milam, a residential  program in Kirkland, making good use of funds former councilmember Sara Nelson earmarked for the private treatment center.

The More We Love’s official address is a private mailbox in Kirkland. Moreland also shares an office with staff at The More We Love’s motel-based shelter in Renton. By all accounts, though, she spends most of her time outside any office—speaking to elected officials, going into encampments, talking to friendly media, and driving people to and from appointments.

“I was just intoxicated”

According to former shelter residents and staffers, Moreland often appeared as a miracle worker in their lives, then seemed to vanish.

Sarah Ann Hamilton, a sex trafficking survivor and longtime advocate who worked as The More We Love’s director of survivor services, first met Moreland at a fundraiser for the Seattle nonprofit Stolen Youth. Hamilton was working for the Organization for Prostitution Survivors in Seattle when Moore approached her about volunteering to help The More We Love with encampment outreach in Burien.

From the beginning, Hamilton said, Moreland made her feel special and chosen—”like it was me and her against everybody.” For a year, Hamilton recalled, she worked for Moreland for free, “just helping people” who were living in encampments until “we got the Burien contract” in 2024  Once that happened, Hamilton quit her job at OPS, ignoring friends and colleagues who warned her to be cautious about Moreland, she said. “All I was seeing was her helping people,” Hamilton said.

Before long, Hamilton had become Moreland’s right-hand woman and a fierce advocate for the new shelter for women leaving the sex trade, which Hamilton said she believed would be survivor-led and survivor-centered. She was at the table when former councilmember Moore burst into tears listening to survivors’ stories, and she thought Moreland saw something in her that other people didn’t.

“She kept telling me, ‘I have a vision that one day you’ll be an executive director,'” Hamilton said. “We started talking about opening up a house [for survivors], and then we came up with the idea of opening up the Sarah Ann House”—a planned women’s shelter that was going to be named after Hamilton. For a while, The More We Love’s website featured photos of Moreland and Hamilton sitting in a porch swing outside the house. But after what Hamilton and a second former volunteer described as a dispute with the owner, the deal fell through.

Chelsea, a former shelter volunteer, said Moreland initially made her feel like the center of the universe too. (Except where last names are provided, all the names in this story are pseudonyms.) The two first met as volunteers at Union Gospel Mission, which runs a nighttime shelter and “search and rescue” program in Seattle. Chelsea was working for another homelessness program, feeling “really burned out,” when Moreland told her she was developing a shelter and counseling program for sex trafficking survivors and thought it would be a great fit for her skills. Chelsea thought her volunteer work would lead to a paying job, but it never did.

Like Hamilton, Chelsea said Moreland made her feel special. “I was just so intoxicated by what she was telling me. We’d go shopping she’d take me out to these fancy dinners and just thought she was magical.” But Chelsea said it wasn’t always easy to stay in Moreland’s good graces. She noticed that the women staying in the shelter, much like Chelsea, became concerned if they didn’t get positive attention from Moreland. “They’re all dependent” on Moreland, Chelsea said. “They really fight to be her favorite, and they’re nervous if they’re not.”

The More We Love founder Kristine Moreland at a panel hosted by former city councilmember Cathy Moore

One former shelter resident we spoke to, Monica, was a sex trafficking survivor who had been working around Third and Pike in downtown Seattle when The More We Love picked her up and took her to the shelter. She described a scene of instant,  discomfiting intimacy on her first day there. “They were like, ‘I love you, I love you,'” she said. Monica said she had “an immediate love for the shelter” because it was easy to enter, with “absolutely no paperwork,” and because “they came and got me,” along with her dog and teenage daughter, and brought them straight to a motel room.

Lisa, a former shelter resident who ended up there after calling 211, also described her initial experience with shelter staff as strangely intimate. “As soon as you get there, they’re already telling you ‘I love you, I love you so much.’  They say it all the time. … Clearly, they wanted to establish trust quickly.”

But that close-knit feeling cut both ways, Lisa added. “People who were exited from the program or got kicked out—we were not allowed to talk to them or [we felt like] we’d get kicked out too. Who you could talk to was [decided] on a case by case basis—it was very strange and very arbitrary.”

One former sex worker who lived at the shelter for more than six months, Rebecca, also had high hopes for her time with More We Love. After meeting with Moreland, Rebecca quit her part-time job with a homeless service provider in Seattle to take a volunteer position at the shelter that she believed would lead to a paying job as on-site staff. Hamilton was an old friend, from “the life,” she said, so Rebecca trusted her that the job opportunity was legitimate.

“Sarah thought she was the co-founder, and she reached out to me and was like, ‘Who better to lead a survivor-led organization than us?'” Rebecca said. “As soon as the funding came through—as soon as Cathy Moore made the announcement about the million-dollar funding going through to The More We Love—[Moreland] was like, how quickly can you quit your second job?’ She asked me to send her my resume and she said, ‘You’re hired.'”

Rebecca, who was struggling but not homeless at the time, left her housing and moved into one of the rooms at the motel. But instead of a paying position, she said, she ended up cleaning rooms when women left the motel and providing informal counseling to new clients at all hours of the day and night. Apart from the $250 she estimates she received for cleaning five rooms, “I never, ever, ever got paid,” Rebecca said.

Instead of getting the job she had hoped for, Rebecca said she was told she would have to go to residential treatment at a rebab center across the state.It seemed like “a great treatment facility,” Rebecca said, but “treatment isn’t for me.” She left with no money or way back to the Seattle area, and ended up begging her way onto a three-and-a-half-hour bus ride. When she arrived back at the shelter, she was told she was no longer welcome because she didn’t finish treatment.

The More We Love’s contract with Seattle says the program “has high accountability to stay” and that “Survivors who use substances are asked to commit to a pathway towards recovery to stay in the shelter unit” by going to “the appropriate treatment/detox facility.” Although The More We Love’s Seattle contract says they will work with people who don’t immediately get sober “to find next steps after exiting the emergency shelter,” Rebecca said that didn’t happen in her case. For a while, she lived in her car.

“I was the most homeless I’d ever been in my life,” she said. “Mind you, I had a home before I came over there to help them.”

Later, Rebecca said, Moreland and another staffer agreed to meet with her at the shelter to talk. Rebecca drove there on a nearly empty tank of gas, but they never showed. Later, she said, they offered to help her with a rent deposit. That never happened either. “Nothing good has come out of me being introduced to that organization whatsoever,” she said.

Rebecca is no longer homeless. “I am in a place now,” she said, “but I don’t want to give credit to The More We Love, because it wasn’t them. It was me.”

Hamilton, her mother, and a second shelter resident said they a similar situation play out with another woman. PubliCola was unable to speak to her directly, but the women said Moreland described her as The More We Love’s “donation lead” but never formally hired her or paid her for her work. In her email to Moreland and Insalaco, Hamilton said other shelter residents had directed racial slurs the woman, who is Black, and referred to her children as “monkeys”; “No corrective action was taken, and there were no written organizational policies addressing racism at a moral or operational level,” Hamilton wrote.

Hamilton’s mother Karen, who watched Moreland woo her daughter, said falling out of Moreland’s favor “took a big toll” on her.  “In front of other people, she would always just praise Sarah to the nines, but when Sarah started to question things, it just became a different story,” Karen Hamilton said. “It really crushed her in terms of, what she thought was going to happen didn’t happen. All of us in her family have just tried to say to her, this was a horrible thing that’s happened and something good will come out of it.”

“Well, what do you offer?”

Chelsea, the volunteer who first met Moreland through UGM, was doing volunteer encampment outreach for The More We Love in Burien, in 2024, when she started hearing complaints about Moreland from people living in tents. They told her Moreland had promised to give them money, services, and rides to appointments, but hadn’t delivered.

“I had clients that I had connected with who were still coming to me, saying things like, ‘Kristine promised she’d help me with a month of sober living,’ or ‘She’s going to pay the vet so I can keep my dog,'” Chelsea recalled. “Another one couldn’t get to a doctor’s appointment. I paid ridiculous amounts for Ubers” to get people to appointments, she said.

As someone trained at her nonprofit day job to provide trauma-informed care, Chelsea said she noticed that Moreland had a one-size-fits-all approach to unsheltered people with addiction, who are often coping with complex trauma: Pick them up, give them a bed, then send them to detox to sink or swim. Detox, unlike treatment, is a brief medical intervention that helps people quit drinking or using drugs in a medically safe environment.

“I noticed that she’d go in and just say ‘detox, detox, detox’ with all these people,” Chelsea said.  “I was like, ‘Okay, what do we do after they’re in detox?’ and she was like, ‘Just put them in a rehab.’ She didn’t seem to understand that getting someone to rehab is only the first step” to recovery.

PubliCola is supported entirely by readers like you.
CLICK BELOW to become a one-time or monthly contributor.

Support PubliCola

 

In one instance, Chelsea recalled creating a “MacGyvered-together plan” for a homeless client that involved going to detox, attending recovery meetings in Seattle, and—most importantly—staying away from Burien, where he was likely to fall back into old patterns of drug use. The plan fell apart, she said, when Moreland decided to let the man visit his girlfriend in Burien instead of going to an AA meeting at Cherry Hall in Seattle.

“She loves the drama and adrenaline” of tracking people down and getting them to agree to services, Chelsea said, but “she wouldn’t follow through on getting the resources that she promised.”

“What she can do is come in a crisis and look like miracle worker, when all she’s doing is throwing people in hotels and detox with no aftercare plan,” Chelsea said. “And when they rely on her, they don’t take the other resources. They’re like, ‘I don’t want the LEAD shelter crap. Kristine’s bringing me a miracle.'”

Martina, a former shelter resident, said she and her children were fleeing domestic violence and had been staying “anywhere we could go, before they received a referral to The More We Love’s shelter. During the weeks her family spent in TMWL’s Renton shelter, she said, “I never was offered any kind of counseling. Mind you, we just left a DV situation—everybody has trauma after something like that.”

Martina also said the shelter was dirty—dirtier than her family was used to even after sleeping on airport floors. She recalled that when she and her to kids arrived at the shelter late one night, “everything [in the room] was so nasty—old food under the bed and they had blood spots on the sheets. It was so filthy.” After arguing with a staff member about whether the blood spots were a sign of bedbugs, Martina and her family were moved, wearing nothing but towels, into another room.

The family left most of their possessions, including Nikes and the kids’ VR headsets, behind in the room for heat treatment. Other than her mother’s ashes and death certificate, and her own high school diploma, Martina said they never saw any of their stuff again. Their new room, while seemingly bedbug-free, didn’t have hot water in the shower, Martina said, so she and her daughters took “bird baths” in the sink.

A more troubling issue, Martina said, was that the shelter didn’t feel like a safe or welcoming space for children, with no programming or group activities for the many kids who were living at the shelter when she and her kids stayed there. The shelter consists of a block of rooms in a three-building motel complex next to I-405. The More We Love’s mixed-gender shelter is in a second building, and a third building is a motel open to the general public, with rooms priced at around $45 a night.

“There was no opportunity for the kids at all—everybody’s kids sat in the rooms all day,” she said.

For a shelter that serves vulnerable and trafficked women, the “receiving center” is an unusually public and easily accessible location. Anyone can come and go as they please, Martina said—and they did. “There were people out there fighting drug dealers in the parking lot,” she recalled

Lisa, the former sex worker who said The More We Love love-bombed her when she arrived at the shelter, said she thought it was “really strange” that The More We Love would open a shelter for trafficking survivors at a motel on the side of the highway. When she asked about it, she said, “They were like, ‘We’re hiding in plain sight,’ and I was like, ‘You guys aren’t hidden at all. There are still sex workers who are working out of the other rooms!'”

Two other women each described separate incidents involving men who had access to the shelter. The first involved a maintenance worker who attacked one of the women living there. In the second incident, a man started pounding on a resident’s door and, according to a contemporaneous email documenting what happened, confronted her as she was entering her room, grabbed the items she was carrying, and threw a fire extinguisher at her.

A spokeswoman for the city’s Human Services Department told PubliCola, “We were not informed of other TMWL clients being served at the same location.”

Martina said she was told she’d she get help repairing her credit, getting to job interviews, signing up for Housing Connector (a nonprofit program that connects low-income tenants to private landlords) or providing her kids with supplies to attend school online from their hotel room.

“They were like, ‘We don’t offer that, we don’t offer that.’ And I was like, ‘Well, what do you offer?”

Chelsea said she asked similar question when she was working with Moreland to bring women and families to the shelter. “I’m like, you’re trying to empower them to eventually move out of that place and have the skills to go on with life—where are the programs?”

In fact, every woman PubliCola spoke to who spent time at the shelter, including those who were staying in the “receiving center” rooms and those who ended up there through general shelter referrals, made similar complaints. They expected services, including referrals to housing, clothes for job interviews and counseling to help them with the trauma of exploitative sex work and life on the streets. They knew these were supposed to be part of the program.  But they weren’t seeing any of it.

Moreland disputed these accounts, telling PubliCola the shelter program “includes daily access to wraparound services that support stabilization and long-term recovery. This includes one-on-one case management, individualized service planning, and ongoing meetings with case managers to support each woman’s goals and next steps. Participants have access to support groups, recovery-based programming, and parent support groups designed to strengthen family stability and connection. … This work is deeply meaningful, creating space for women to stabilize, engage in recovery, and remain with or be reunited with their children.”

Martina said living at the shelter did had one benefit: It motivated her to get two part-time jobs and find an apartment on her own. “The whole time I was in there it was a living hell, so I ended up calling everywhere every single day. I got in contact with one program, and they were like, ‘We have a one-bedroom apartment,’ and I said, ‘We will take it!'”

“Like a trafficking culture”

Some of the people who volunteered or worked for The More We Love’s shelter for abused and exploited women now say they regret their association with Moreland.

Hamilton said she first began to question The More We Love’s methods after she started working full-time at the shelter, where she said it became harder to ignore the fact that vulnerable women, many of them victims of abuse, were leaving without getting the help they were promised. She said she tried to set up a program that was “survivor-centered—they used that term to get the grant from the city,” and facilitated regular group meetings that the women could attend. Outside those meetings, Hamilton said, the only real programming at the shelter consisted of informal Bible studies and periodic outreach from local church members.

Last May, Hamilton expressed her concerns about the program in a letter to Moreland and The More We Love board member Justin Insalaco, a former police officer who, like Moreland, serves on the board of Crime Stoppers, the group that offers cash rewards for crime tips. In the letter, Hamilton accused Moreland of exploiting the women at the shelter, expecting them to work for free or minimal pay, and failing to fulfill her commitment that the program and shelter would be trauma-informed and survivor-led.

“Kristine, when we started this work together, we said The More We Love was going to be survivor-ran and survivor-led. But if I’m being transparent, that’s not what I’m seeing now,” Hamilton wrote. “It’s starting to feel like something that was said because it looked good on paper, or because it helped with funding—not something we’re actually practicing.”

Hamilton said she became increasingly concerned about how frequently Moreland expected women to share their stories with the strangers she invited to tour the shelter and talk with residents. Former councilmember Moore said it was one of these tours that convinced her that The More We Love was more effective than the other groups that work with women on Aurora Ave. N, and then-Republican gubernatorial candidate Dave Reichert dropped by when he was running for governor in 2024. The following year, Reichert’s campaign donated $25,000 of its surplus funds to The More We Love.

During an interview last December, when Hamilton was still working for The More We Love, she told me that the women would joke that preparing for tours was like getting themselves ready for a john. “When the tours come, the girls literally say, ‘Get ready, we have a date coming,” she said.  “They have created this culture that’s like a trafficking culture.”

The second former volunteer, who asked to remain anonymous, told PubliCola,”The way you get the ladies to tell the story is: You put them on the pedestal, you give them the attention, you give them that rush. They’re emotional stories, and it grips the heart and it makes people go, ‘I want to help,’ but we can get so focused on funding that we forget the people we’re helping.”

Moreland also frequently posts photos of clients on her Facebook and Instagram pages and accompanies women who testify in favor of The More We Love, often on camera, using their full names.

Personal success stories have long been a common fundraising tool for human-service nonprofits. But many organizations that work with abused or trafficked women have begun to pull back from this practice on the grounds that it’s hard to do so in a way that isn’t exploitative.

Amarinthia Torres, co-executive director of the Coalition Ending Gender-Based Violence, said “it’s a very big ask” for a survivor to share her story, especially when they’ve just left a violent or coercive situation. “It’s important that we treat then with the utmost respect and really ensure that we’re getting their true and honest permission, and they should be free to say, ‘No, I don’t’ want to do that,’ or ‘I changed my mind’ without the threat of harm or resources being taken away,” Torres said.

Advocates for women leaving abusive situations say it’s critical to create an atmosphere of safety, privacy, and confidentiality so survivors of trafficking and other forms of abuse feel safe and empowered.

“Survivor-driven advocacy”—the kind Hamilton thought she was hired to put in place at the shelter —”is about upholding confidentiality and honoring the self-determination of survivors,” Torres said. “It’s really not just theory, but a practical way to protect [survivors’] safety and also resist abuses of power.” In survivor-driven programs, women have control over their own experiences and private information and can make informed decisions about whether and how to share their personal stories. “It’s core because it’s foundational,” Torres said. You have to meet that foundational threshold first to create safety.”

Hamilton said she also raised concerns with Moreland about client privacy within the shelter—including the fact that, according to Hamilton, case notes and emails discussing the women’s personal health information were widely accessible. She also said Moreland and her two shelter staffers, Stephanie Shields and Carolyn Sand, talked about clients in the presence of other people, including other women who were staying at the shelter. This made women reluctant to complain or bring up issues that were bothering them, Hamilton said, because they couldn’t be sure staffers would keep their private information private.

Martina recalled that Moreland and other staffers “talked about a lot of people in front of me. One of the girls had a brand new newborn and they were talking about how smelly the baby was [and] saying they’re gonna call [Child Protective Services] on her. I went back out of the room with my kids and I said, ‘Just imagine what they’re saying about us if they can talk about a little baby like that.'”

It wasn’t the first time someone had expressed concerns about the group’s commitment to keeping people’s personal information confidential. Back in 2023, Moreland distributed a spreadsheet with detailed medical notes about individual encampment residents to a Burien city council member, two police officials, and a real estate investor who paid The More We Love to remove an encampment on his property.

Screenshot from KIRO Radio series “The Boy In the Tent”

“What if I do have a demon inside me?”

Several women who lived at the shelter said staying there seemed to require participating in Christian religious activities that made them uncomfortable. These practices, they told me, went far beyond optional prayers and Bible study groups.

The More We Love’s “welcome binder” says the group is “not a faith-based organization,” but that they are  “proud to have Carolyn, a kind and compassionate spiritual guide,” on staff. “At some of our events and meetings, Carolyn may offer a prayer at the beginning or end,”e  the welcome packet continues. “This will always be announced in advance, and if you’re not comfortable being present during that time, you are welcome to step out.”

In her May email to Moreland, Hamilton raised concerns about some of the “fear-based” practices that were introduced by Sand and some of the volunteers who came in from nearby churches, such as telling women they were possessed by demons or had a “spirit of murder” inside them because of past abortions. “I believe faith can be deeply healing,” Hamilton wrote, [b]ut content and delivery must be trauma-informed, survivor-safe, and non-coercive.”

Former shelter resident Lisa, who is Jewish, said The More We Love staff and some of the volunteers raised objections to the way she expressed her faith—seeming particularly offended, she said when she referred to God as “Hashem” and Jesus as “Yeshua,” both Hebrew terms.

The shelter, while not explicitly Christian, included voluntary Bible study groups as well as frequent visits by members from Citadel Church in Des Moines, where Sand is a pastor, and Eden Church in Newcastle. Citadel, according to its website, is an evangelical church that engages in niche practices such as the “laying on of hands.” Eden is a charismatic church whose members believes in spiritual healing, miracles, and deliverance, a practice that involves casting out “demons”—malign spirits they believe can occupy people who fail to repent their sins.

Past shelter residents said staff and some of the church volunteers frequently told women they were possessed by demons caused by past abortions, sex work itself, or other sins. Hamilton said the “demonology” freaked her out. “I’m a Christian—you know, I don’t mind doing little Bible studies with the girls,” she said. “But you’re telling these girls that if [they] had an abortion, they have a demonic spirit on them. You’re taking girls who’s been raped and brainwashed, and you’re telling them they have demons in them.”

Lisa said Sand and “two of the church women” repeatedly told her she would benefit from a deliverance. When she finally relented, she said, the pair coaxed her into an empty motel room and told her they thought she might be “possessed by some spirit or some demons” from which they could save her.

“I said, “Why would you think that?’ and they said, ‘You’re here, aren’t you?'” Lisa recalled. “‘You have to think about your life decisions. Even getting caught up with The More We Love means you weren’t making the best decisions.'” According to Lisa, the women circled up and laid their hands on her as they started to pray and speak in tongues. “And then they were like, ‘Demon, do you hear us? Speak your name. In the name of Jesus Christ, leave this woman.'”

Initially, Lisa thought “they were kidding—but no, they were totally serious. And then I got scared and started thinking, ‘Oh my gosh, what if I do have a demon inside of me? Maybe I do need this.” She even came up with a name for the made-up demon—Sydney.

Lisa had arrived at the shelter dependent on Xanax, and had experienced “back to back” seizures as she withdrew from the drug. She hadn’t had a seizure in several days, she said, but she let the women know that she could feel one coming on. Once she did, Lisa said, they left her alone. Not long afterward, she sent one of the staffers a “Merry Christmas” text. The staffer responded, she said, with a Youtube video about “prayers for demonic relief.”

Looking back, Lisa said she could tell the motel was “a really bad setup, but I was so desperate when I moved there. I was blindsided and I was so happy to have a roof over my head.”

“Ready to partner with you”

In her email, Moreland disputed many of the details we heard from people formerly associated with the Renton shelter. She said The More We Love’s programming  “includes daily access to wraparound services that support stabilization and long-term recovery,” and that The More We Love works closely with “medical and behavioral health providers, including support with attending doctor’s appointments, medication management, and connections to behavioral health and substance use disorder services.”

Additionally, she said, the program offers “life skills development, safety planning, housing navigation, and support in reconnecting with employment, education, and long-term stability.” But the evidence for these claims consists mostly of Moreland’s own statements and those of the shelter clients she brings with her to testify in front of elected officials in an effort to secure more funding—compelling individual stories that don’t include the kind of data other nonprofits provide about their program outcomes.

As for the women who say they left the program or were kicked out without receiving most, if any, of those services, Moreland said, “when a woman shares that something in her experience did not feel supportive or did not meet her needs, we take that seriously. We seek to understand why and use that feedback to continue strengthening and evolving our program. This work requires constant learning, adjustment, and care, and that is something we remain committed to.”

The More We Love’s contract with Burien ended around the same time Seattle’s contract began. But Moreland is still a presence in Burien City Council chambers: last month, the council invited Moreland to accept a proclamation recognizing April as Sexual Assault Awareness Month proclamation. More recently, the King County Regional Homelessness Authority directed King County funds to the organization; according to KCRHA spokeswoman Lisa Edge, The More We Love was the only provider that met all the guidelines for the money.

And Moreland is still pitching her services to local leaders.  Last month, Moreland testified at a King County Council meeting, telling the councilmembers that The More We Love offers “a continuum of care” through its “crisis recovery and healing center in Renton. … We are part of the solution, and we are ready to partner with you today and scale. Our center in Renton is ready to expand the doors, deepen our partnerships and serve more families.”

In Seattle, where The More We Love first began serving sex trafficking survivors thanks to former councilmember Moore’s unorthodox directive, the group is still on the city’s radar for funding; during a committee meeting in September, City Councilmembers Bob Kettle and Maritza Rivera both criticized HSD for—as Kettle put it—”zeroing out” the shelter contract at the end of last year,  Debora Juarez brought the group up more recently as an example of an effective program for sex trafficking survivors on Aurora.

“The More We Love … [is] great work,” Rivera said last year. “They’re not the only folks doing the work, but they are one of the folks, and therefore they should be able to continue to do this work.” Councilmember Rob Saka has also praised the group.

But some of the human service providers who gave The More We Love credit for their ability to respond and get people into shelter at any time of the day or night may not prove lasting allies. Both providers who praised The More We Love for responding quickly to crisis calls said they weren’t sure what happened to the people they refer to Moreland’s program after they entered. One of them later followed up with PubliCola to say the person they thought was a success story had actually been kicked out of the program for relapsing, although The More We Love did help her transfer to a different program that had capacity to take on someone struggling with addiction.

After walking off the job in December and getting fired soon after, Hamilton is finally moving on. She now has job with a traditional  nonprofit that provides housing and services to people leaving homelessness. She hasn’t spoken to Moreland since.

Proposed Changes to Wilson’s Shelter Plan Include Shelter-Free “Buffer” Zones, Mandatory Security

By Erica C. Barnett

City Councilmembers Maritza Rivera and Joy Hollingsworth proposed amendments to Mayor Katie Wilson’s ambitious shelter proposal that would mandate 24-hour security and buffer zones around parks, schools, and child care centers where large new “transitional encampments,” a term that primarily refers to tiny house villages, won’t be allowed. (Seattle has had a few actual temporary encampments, but Wilson’s plan centers around tiny house villages rather than tents).

Last month, Wilson introduced a legislative package that would make it easier to site and build larger tiny house villages. The council’s land use committee is considering the part of her proposal that increases the maximum “shelter census” from 100 to 150 people in most areas, plus a potential 250-person shelter somewhere in the city.

Hollingsworth sponsored the amendments that would impose security mandates and no-shelter zones because Rivera isn’t on the land use committee.

The first of the two Rivera-Hollingsworth amendments, which would both apply to shelters that serve more than 100 people would require the presence of “identifiable security personnel” on site 24 hours a day. The second would prohibit new tiny house villages within  750 feet of all child care centers, schools, and playgrounds, and within 500 feet of most city parks. (Small “pocket parks” under 2 acres would be exempt).

It’s unclear how much of the city would be automatically off-limits under this expansive prohibition. Using an online GIS map creator, I drew a 750-foot radius around every public school in the city as well as a couple dozen child care facilities in a large swath of Hollingsworth’s district. (Child care facilities in private homes don’t count as child care facilities under city code, according to a council staffer.)

Not indicated on the map are the park buffer zones, which would extend 500 feet in each direction from midsize or larger park, and park playgrounds, which would be subject to the 750-foot buffer zone.

Under the amendment, sober shelters and those “that are exclusively for families with children” would be allowed inside the buffer zones. The council expressed its “intent,” in legislation that released funds for Wilson’s initial shelter push, for two of the new shelters to be limited to families with children and one to people in recovery from addiction.

The proposed changes were just two of seven proposed amendments to the original bill, sponsored by Councilmember Dionne Foster.  Another amendment, from Councilmember Dan Strauss, would require tiny house providers to separate the new, larger villages into fenced-off “neighborhoods” whose residents would be physically restricted from entering each other’s area.

A fourth, from Councilmember Alexis Mercedes Rinck, would require the new, larger villages to have at least two shelter staff on site 24 hours a day. Other amendments would require good neighbor agreements and public safety plans and request a 1-to-15 staff-to-resident ratios for shelters serving people with high-acuity behavioral health conditions..

Rivera, speaking in favor of her proposal to establish no-shelter zones, said she was trying to protect children from dangerous people who might live at the new tiny house villages. “We know that for shelters that are not sober … there might be drug dealing and other public safety issues, and we don’t want near that near children,” Rivera said. Then, conflating unmanaged encampments with managed shelter, she continued, “I know we’ve had issues with encampments at our major parks.”

Rivera also attempted to link tiny house villages to a recent gunfire incident near a press conference Mayor Wilson held to announce new education and child care investments. “Everybody knows by now that there was a shooting and shots were fired … right into the Yesler Community Center,” Rivera said. “So I’m not saying shots are going to be fired outside of these sanctioned shelters. But again, we cannot say that there won’t be drug dealing outside of these shelters or attempting to be done outside of these shelters, and so we need to make sure that we’re keeping our kids safe.”

Hollingsworth and Rivera introduced their security and buffer zone amendments at the last minute, so the only copies consisted of physical printouts in council chambers. The committee didn’t vote on Tuesday; they’ll meet at least one more time next week before pushing the bill forward to a full council vote.

City Pays $750,000 In SPD Discrimination Suit, Council Queues Up Questions on Mayor’s Shelter Plan, King County Employees Push Back on In-Office Mandate

King County’s beautiful Brutalist Administration Building, closed since the pandemic. Photo by Another Believer, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons

1. The city of Seattle finalized a settlement last week with Seattle police officer Denise “Cookie” Bouldin, a longtime officer who sued the department in 2023, alleging gender and racial discrimination. Bouldin will receive $750,000 in an agreement that also requires her not to sue the city again over the same claims.

SPD has settled a number of discrimination lawsuits in recent years, for amounts ranging from around $200,000 (paid to SPD sergeant John O’Neil, who was himself the subject of multiple discrimination complaints) to $3 million (paid to police captain Deanna Nollette, who claimed former chief Adrian Diaz discriminated and retaliated against her by demoting her and moving her to overnight duty after she alleged discrimination.

Bouldin, best known for her chess club for students in Rainier Beach, claimed in her lawsuit that her fellow officers and SPD officials subjected her to “race and gender discrimination on a daily basis that had “been ongoing and continuous throughout her entire career.” Among other allegations, Bouldin said SPD staff refused to give her a parking pass, mishandled her personal property, and retaliated against her when she complained about officers who allowed their dogs to “roam around” SPD’s south precinct.

The size of the settlement is unclear. Bouldin’s attorneys did not respond to a request for comment.

The City Attorney’s office would not say how much the settlement was for. In the initial tort claim that preceded the lawsuit, Bouldin sought $10 million from the city, according to media reports.

In a statement, City Attorney Erika Evans said Bouldin “is a pioneer at the Seattle Police Department who has been a beloved and deeply trusted presence in our community for decades. The City is thankful this case was able to resolve.”

2. The city council is poised to consider legislation that would make it easier for the city to site and build tiny house villages, but the three bills—sent down by Mayor Katie Wilson without prior conversation with council members or staff—will likely face scrutiny.

Two of the proposals—one that would provide about $5 million in funding for future tiny house villages, and another that would allow the city itself to lease and prepare land for shelters—do not have committee assignments yet. The other, which would increase the maximum size of tiny house villages from 100 people to as many as 250, is sponsored by Councilmember Dionne Foster and will be heard in Councilmember Eddie Lin’s land use committee.

It isn’t the cost of the proposal itself that’s currently raising eyebrows on the council: Most of the funding would come out of this year’s budget, which already includes money for shelter that can be used to build out the first set of 500 beds Wilson wants to add before the World Cup games in June.

Instead, councilmembers are raising questions about the size of the potential shelters (there’s a big difference between 25 to 50 tiny house units and hundreds), the fact that Wilson seems committed to tiny houses, specifically (Jon Grant, her chief homelessness advisor, worked at the city’s main tiny house village provider, the Low Income Housing Institute, immediately before joining Wilson’s office), and the level of services the new shelters will be able to provide for an average cost of $28,000, which is less than existing shelters that provide 24/7 on-site staff and wraparound support for chronically homeless people.

PubliCola is supported entirely by readers like you.
CLICK BELOW to become a one-time or monthly contributor.

Support PubliCola

Behind the scenes, councilmembers have grumbled that Wilson didn’t work with them before dropping her legislation in an announcement that only Rob Saka, whose district includes SoDo and other areas with a large number of unsanctioned encampments and RVs, attended.

3. By June, most King County employees will be required to work from physical offices three days a week, and many employees are pushing back. (Seattle also has varying in-office mandates that we’ve covered extensively.) Editor’s note: This sentence has been corrected to reflect that June, not March 30, is the general deadline for Return To Office. According to the county executive’s office, different departments are implementing the new mandate on different timelines.

In a recent internal newsletter, King County Executive Girmay Zahilay expressed his “commitment to building a Better Government includes listening to staff and empowering you to identify challenges and bring forward solutions” [emphasis in original]. Some county employees, taking him at his word, used the newsletter as a forum to express their frustration with the mandate.

King County covers more than 2,100 square miles, and many King County staffers do not live in or near Seattle, where the county’s central office space is located. Several noted that their jobs require them to go to far-flung locations; forcing them to commute to an office downtown will mean sitting in a cubicle and attending meetings remotely instead, they argued.

A number of staffers said the return-to-office mandate takes away valuable family and leisure time, contributes to stress and demoralization, and costs real money. “As a blanket and rigid policy, it disproportionately harms parents and caregivers who must secure new, costly childcare to cover mandated office days,” one staffer wrote. “It places the greatest strain on lower-wage workers and especially single working parents. The mandate forces parents to spend less time with their children, so they can sit in a cubicle alone with a headset, taking the same Teams calls they would at home. It forces employees to budget for new expenses (childcare, gas, parking, etc.) in a burgeoning recession when gas, groceries, and utility prices are on the rise.”

“Many staff moved to more affordable housing when positions were fully remote. That is how many of us are surviving,” another staffer wrote. “The long-term effects of this lowered productivity will negatively impact the work we do and the providers we support.”

Several staffers raised concerns about crowding in the county’s downtown office spaces, including King Street Center and the Chinook Building. The county scaled back on office space during the pandemic, and is now scrambling to find places for workers to sit. One staffer from the Department of Public Defense said staffers will now be forced to conduct client interviews from offices where three desks have been crammed into spaces built for one, compromising confidentiality in the name of “boots on the ground” and office camaraderie.

Asked about the employees’ concerns, Zahilay spokeswoman Callie Craighead said the executive wasn’t taking a “one-size-fits-all approach” and has, for example, allowed employees to meet their return-to-office requirements by working from county offices outside downtown Seattle. “Departments are currently developing plans to meet the three-day in-office expectation while continuing to preserve telework flexibility where possible,” Craighead said. “This includes coordinating in-office schedules and using existing space creatively.”

Responding to concerns about new expenses and the need for work-life balance, Craighead said, “The Executive recognizes that employees are balancing many considerations, including commute times and family responsibilities. As the father of a newborn and a toddler, he understands firsthand how important flexibility is for working families. His goal is to strike a thoughtful balance between maintaining the flexibility we value and strengthening in-person collaboration so the County can continue delivering strong results for residents.”

Wilson’s “Path to 500” New Shelter Beds: $17.5 Million, With First Units Opening In April

The Wilson Administration’s ambitious schedule for opening up 500 new shelter beds.

By Erica C. Barnett

On Monday, the Seattle City Council got its first, partial look at Mayor Katie Wilson’s proposal to build 500 new shelter units by the end of May, and 1,000 before 2027. The mayor’s office is waiting until later this month to announce the sites they’ve identified for the first few new tiny house villages, so the briefing was mostly an opportunity for the council to ask questions about the proposal—including how much new money it will require, how the mayor’s office plans to get buy-in from neighborhood residents, and why the King County Regional Homelessness Authority (KCRHA), which manages the region’s shelter contracts, has been effectively cut out of the proposal.

The biggest news to come out of the briefing was the total estimated price tag for the first 500 units. According to city Budget Director Aly Pennucci, the mayor’s office has identified about $17.5 million to pay for the first 500 units. That number includes$4.8 million Wilson’s team previously identified from an underutilized Community Development Block Grant revolving loan  ($3.3 million) and unused funds from a downtown development fee program dating back to the 1980s ($1.5 million), plus shelter funding from the city’s 2026 budget that hasn’t been spent yet. The average annual operating cost for each new shelter unit, according to Pennucci, will be around $28,000 for each new shelterbed.

That number is be lower than the cost of tiny house villages that feature the range of services, including case management, meals, and 24/7 on-site staff, that Wilson said would be among distinguishing features of the new shelters. For instance, the city allocated $5.9 million to the Low Income Housing Institute to add about 100 new tiny houses last year.

According to the mayor’s office, the $28,000 figure assumes that some shelters will cost less than the ones serving “high-acuity” clients, while some will cost more. In addition, some that are located on publicly owned land may end up paying essentially no rent, if the city can work out a deal with the owners.

At the same time, the legislation would allow the city to lease land at market rate, opening up more potential sites at a higher cost.

“We know that without services, these shelters are not successful, [and] because the people who cause the most disorder and have the highest impact on our community are people who have high needs and high acuity, we know we need 24/7 staffing,” Wilson’s chief of staff Kate Kreuzer said. “We want case management. We want integrated behavioral health support, so that when people come inside, they have the services they need, and then that is getting them on a pathway to housing.”

PubliCola is supported entirely by readers like you.
CLICK BELOW to become a one-time or monthly contributor.

Support PubliCola

In addition to a bill that would allocate the $4.8 million, Wilson’s office sent legislation to the council that would allow the city’s Human Service Department to select shelter providers directly and allow the department of Finance and Administrative Services to lease the property for new shelters itself. If it’s approved, this streamlined procedure would sidestep the KCRHA and bypass the usual 9- to-12-month process for siting shelters, which includes a competitive bidding process and requires providers to negotiate their own leases, permitting, and site preparation.

Nicole Vallestero-Soper, Wilson’s director of policy and innovation, said the first shelters could open as soon as next month. Wilson’s land use bills will likely go through Councilmember Eddie Lin’s land use committee, and the financing will probably go through Dan Strauss’ budget committee.

Councilmember Bob Kettle, seeming to conflate “housing first” with tiny house villages, said he supported the idea of “housing first” if it was a “photo finish with wraparound services” that would not include the kind of “actions that really allow [unsheltered people] to not be ready” to come inside. (Wilson’s plan is more “shelter-first” than “housing first,” in that it consists mostly of new shelter, not rapid rehousing for chronically homeless individuals).

“I really think that the services piece is key, and then setting [people] up for success is the encouragement piece, as opposed to making it easier to stay outside, for example, because there’s a lot of service-resistant folks,” Kettle said. Service providers generally reject the notion that unsheltered people are “service-resistant” or that people live outdoors because it’s “easy,” arguing that there are valid reasons people avoid shelter and services that have failed before, such as shelters that prohibit pets and programs that kick people out for failing to maintain sobriety.

As we reported earlier this month, Wilson’s office did not preview the shelter proposal for the council or secure support in advance, which has been the practice with previous administrations. According to Lin’s office, he has outstanding questions about how the Wilson administration plans to rapidly scale up shelter, how the mayor’s office will measure success, and what role the city will play in engaging with the people living near new shelter sites.

Mayor Katie Wilson: “If We Turned Off the Cameras, It Would Become More Difficult to Solve Many Crimes”

By Erica C. Barnett

Seattle Nice went in-depth with Mayor Katie Wilson this week, in a packed interview about her first six weeks in office. Supporters who have been disappointed by her lack of decisive action on police surveillance cameras will definitely want to tune in, as will those who are interested in how she plans to add 1,000 units of shelter by the end of this year.

This must-listen interview is full of newsworthy moments, including Wilson’s confirmation that the city’s approach to encampments has not changed since last year, when her pro-sweeps predecessor Bruce Harrell was in office.

Wilson recently paused an encampment removal in Ballard so that five people living there could get into housing—an achievement Wilson mentioned in her State of the City speech this week. But that outcome isn’t one the city can easily replicate—a permanent supportive housing provider, DESC, had just opened a new building nearby and had a few vacant spaces, which won’t be the situation during future sweeps. And very little of this type of housing is in the development pipeline.

Wilson acknowledged that it’s “absolutely true that this is not something that we are going to be able to repeat again and again and again, and that is really because of the lack of availability of emergency housing and shelter with services that match people’s needs.” Which, she said, “is precisely why a very, very high priority for my administration is working to open up new emergency housing and shelter, and we have aggressive goals for that this year.

In the meantime, Wilson added, “we’re not going to be able to make earth-shattering changes to the way that the Unified Care Team operates.”

Wilson also confirmed that the city is continuing to use the “encampment scoring system” Harrell implemented shortly after taking office—a fairly inflexible rubric that doesn’t account for conditions at individual encampments, such as whether the people living there are at the top of a wait list for housing.

We also pressed the mayor on her equivocal comments about police surveillance cameras, which police claim are necessary to solve crimes, including homicides. On the campaign trail, Wilson strongly suggested she opposed this kind of always-on police surveillance, and would not support installing new cameras in the two additional neighborhoods where they’ve been approved.

PubliCola is supported entirely by readers like you.
CLICK BELOW to become a one-time or monthly contributor.

Support PubliCola

During our conversation, though, Wilson repeated talking points from the Seattle Police Department about clearance rates and crime, arguing that cameras have helped police solve more crimes than before the cameras were installed.

The cameras, Wilson noted, only cover 1 percent of the city where about 20 percent of crime occurs (a talking point that may be familiar to Seattle Nice listeners, since Sandeep used it to justify the cameras during our conversation with City Councilmember Dionne Foster two weeks ago). Wilson said she still has concerns “around the potential misuse of our CCTV camera cameras and the possibility that that data could get into the wrong hands and be abused to target vulnerable populations,” but she’s weighing that against what she sees as compelling evidence that the cameras help solve crimes and may even prevent racial profiling.

“I think it is fair to say that if we turned off the cameras, it would become more difficult to solve many crimes, including some violent crimes and homicides, and some might not get solved,” Wilson told us.

We also talked about the conflict between funding shelter and funding housing at a time of federal budget cuts and local budget deficits; Wilson’s citywide renter survey; and how she plans to tackle “open-air drug markets” in neighborhoods like Little Saigon.

At Most, 11 Percent of Encampment Residents End Up Sheltered After Sweeps; City Could Bring Back Neighborhood Corner Stores

1. The city’s Unified Care Team, which removes homeless encampments and informs their displaced residents about open shelter beds, “extended a total of 1,830 offers of shelter” between July and September 2023, converting 587 of those offers into “referrals” to specific shelters, according to a report released earlier this month. Of those referrals, according to the report, only 209 people, or just over 11 percent of the people who received shelter “offers,” actually showed up at a shelter and stayed for at least one night. (This number, the report notes, could be a slight undercount due to incomplete data.)

This means that almost nine in ten people the UCT contacted prior to encampment sweeps did not end up in any form of shelter—a decline from the UCT’s previous report, which showed a 15 percent shelter enrollment rate. The UCT (which includes the Human Services Department’s team of outreach workers) does not make contact with everyone at an encampment, so the official numbers don’t include people who move elsewhere before a sweep or don’t engage with city workers for other reasons, such as a lack of outreach or because they know they don’t want to move into congregate shelter.

The city’s “One Seattle Homelessness Action Plan” website includes the UCT’s offer and referral numbers, but not the much lower number of people who actually ended up in shelter.

The numbers show some geographic differences, and includes some of the reasons people gave for declining the UCT’s offers of shelter. The highest shelter acceptance and enrollment rates were in Northwest Seattle, and the lowest were in West Seattle and the center city, which includes downtown and Capitol Hill. In West Seattle, just 4 percent of people who received shelter offers ended up going to shelter (largely because only 11 percent accepted these offers), while just 8 percent ended up in shelter in central Seattle. Mayor Bruce Harrell has focused a huge amount of attention on “reopening” downtown Seattle, which has included swiftly removing encampments or tents that pop up in the area.

When asked why they didn’t accept a shelter offer, most people told the UCT they didn’t want the specific bed they were being offered. Often, the data indicates, this was because they were only offered an “enhanced shelter bed”—a term that encompasses group shelters that are open 24 hours and offer services—rather than permanent housing or a spot in a tiny house village. Others said they wanted to stay with their partners, family members, or pets; didn’t want to relinquish the car or RV where they were living; or didn’t find the shelter location acceptable. The UCT does not offer transportation to shelter, which may be far away from the communities where unsheltered people live.

The UCT is required to produce quarterly reports on their work under a statement of legislative intent imposed by the City Council in 2022. The council imposed a similar requirement for next year as part of its 2024 budget.

2. As Josh reported in his column last week, Seattle doesn’t have a program to activate or site corner retail in residential areas—yet.

According to Office of Planning Construction and Development director Nathan Torgelson, OPCD is “considering allowing corner stores in [neighborhood residential] zones as part of the Comprehensive Plan Update process.” Torgelson is referring to the city’s Environmental Impact Statement Scoping Report, released last November, which outlined potential policy and zoning changes that should be studied in advance of considering alternatives for Seattle’s 2024 Comprehensive Plan update. The comp plan is a document that guides future growth across the city over a 20-year time span; the plan undergoes a “major” update every eight years.

On its final pages, the 29-page scoping document says that in order to “support City goals such as allowing more people to walk or bike to everyday needs,” the city could consider “Allowing more flexibility for commercial uses such as more retail on arterial streets, home businesses, and corner stores in certain areas” and “Combining the multifamily and mixed-use/commercial designations on the Comprehensive Plan’s Future Land Use Map categories to reflect that commercial space may be reasonable in a wider variety of areas.”

As we’ve reported, the release date for the EIS has been pushed back repeatedly, so there’s no word yet about any substantive corner store proposal.

As Josh noted, Spokane’s planning department identified 95 spaces, including in residential areas, that could be converted to retail. This fall, Vancouver, BC’s planning department surveyed the public in a proactive corner store push to “gather feedback on how residents feel about corner stores and potential opportunities for expanding uses, locations, and building types.”

—Erica C. Barnett, Josh Feit