Category: Transportation

This Week On PubliCola

A weekly digest of stories PubliCola published this week.

Monday, April 1: Seattle Times Shocked to Learn Even Groups They Disagree With Can Get Street-Use Permits

The Seattle Times denounces the city for granting a permit for the Cascade Bicycle Club, which advocates for safer streets, to use the West Seattle Bridge for its annual fundraising ride.

The Crisis Care Centers Levy, One Year Later: Where Will the Kids Go?

Guest columnist Brittany Miles discusses the immediate need for a crisis care center for kids under 17, and the hurdles crisis care centers will inevitably face as King County tries to site them in local communities.

Tuesday, April 2: Tentative Police Contract Includes 23 Percent Retroactive Raise, Raising Cops’ Base Salary to Six Figures

PubliCola breaks the news about double-digit wage increases for police, at a time when other city workers will get cost of living adjustments that barely keep pace with inflation.

Don’t Open Pike Place to Pedestrians, Council Member Urges

Pedestrianizing the traffic-choked road in front of Pike Place Market is a popular proposal, but new Councilmember Bob Kettle wants to make sure the city doesn’t do it.

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Thursday, April 4: After Series of Hurried Meetings, Homelessness Authority Decides to Continue Search for Permanent Leader

The embattled regional homelessness authority will keep looking for a new leader, rather than suspending the search as two powerful search committee members urged last week. Plans to restructure the authority to give more power to elected officials also continue.

Friday, April 5: Police Contract Offers Big Raises, No Significant Accountability Improvements

We got a copy of the tentative police contract, which the police union briefly posted before replacing the contract with a photo of the union president. The contract includes almost none of the baseline accountability measures the city adopted into law in 2017.

New Police Contract “Does Not Appear to Address Accountability at All,” Reform Advocates Say

Reporter Andrew Engelson dives further into the details of the contract, and talks to advocates for police accountability who say it falls short of their lowest expectations.

Seattle Times Shocked to Learn Even Groups They Disagree With Can Get Street-Use Permits

By Erica C. Barnett

Last week, the Seattle Times ran an editorial denouncing the city for giving the Cascade Bicycle Club a street use permit for its annual fundraising ride, which will shut down the westbound lanes of the West Seattle Bridge for two hours on the first Sunday in May. After emailing someone at the city, the board reports, they discovered that there isn’t even any other maintenance going on during the bike ride; “In other words, traffic will be shut out purely to host the fundraising ride.”

This, of course, is how street permits work: A group gets a permit for an event, and cars aren’t allowed to drive through the event while it’s happening—think: Capitol Hill Block Party, West Seattle Summer Fest, or any number of weekly farmers’ markets.

So why is the Times so bothered that the city granted a standard street permit for this event? Because, according to the editorial board, this isn’t just any ride: It’s a ride by group that lobbies the city—and even met with someone from the mayor’s office to discuss the upcoming Move Seattle Levy at some point last fall. This level of access, according to the Times, should be more than enough enough to land Cascade on a no-fly list for permits.

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“City Hall should have thought twice about renting out a vital piece of public infrastructure to a special interest at a time when residents will be asked to debate transportation priorities and vote on a massive property tax proposal,” the paper wrote.

Asked about the Times’ characterization of the group’s agenda, Cascade executive director Lee Lambert said, “I reject that biking safety is a controversial topic,” and noted that Cascade isn’t just an advocacy group. “We do education, we provide low-cost helmets for folks, and we provide bike safety classes. We do rides every day of the year.”

The Times’ outrage that the city would allow an advocacy group to rent a city-owned bridge is baffling, but seems to boil down to a kind of faux concern about misuse of city resources. So it’s notable that they’ve never expressed concern that political consultant Tim Ceis received nearly half a million dollars from the city’s transportation department last year (much of that spent lobbying Sound Transit in favor of controversial changes to its light-rail route), or that political consultant Christian Sinderman works inside City Hall as a paid political advisor to the mayor. Given their silence, it seems safe to assume that the Times editorial board considers these contracts a prudent use of public funds.

Unlike taxpayer-funded contracts with political consultants, Cascade’s annual ride actually brings money in to the city. According to Cascade, the group spent around $15,000 paying police to do traffic control for this event, plus about $2,000 for street-use permits.

Sound Transit CEO Julie Timm Is Leaving After 14 Months at Helm

Executive leadership | Sound Transit

By Erica C. Barnett

Sound Transit CEO Julie Timm, who replaced former agency director Peter Rogoff in September 2022, announced her resignation Tuesday afternoon—two days before the Sound Transit board was scheduled to discuss her performance evaluation. The board’s executive committee went into a lengthy closed session last week to discuss Timm’s review, then ended their public meeting, leaving several agenda items unaddressed, for lack of a quorum.

Officially, Timm is leaving “in order to return to the East Coast to take care of family matters.”

In an email to staff on Tuesday, Timm wrote that she has “been struggling to balance the needs of long-distance care and support for my aging father with the intense requirements of leading Sound Transit as CEO.  Over the past week in collaboration with Board Leadership, I came to the difficult, but I believe the correct, conclusion that my family needs more of my focus. While not impossible, it would be incredibly challenging for me to maintain a split focus while maintaining the intense level of support and stability Sound Transit deserves from its CEO as we enter into a historic level of openings and new construction.”

Timm has come under fire in recent months for delays, cost overruns, and a perceived lack of urgency on big-picture priorities like Sound Transit’s regional light rail expansion, which will require the agency to rapidly ramp up to spending more than $4 billion on capital projects every year.

In a report to the agency last week, a technical advisory group expressed consternation that Sound Transit was behind schedule on many of the recommendations the group issued back in February, such as hiring three directors to oversee major capital projects, empowering staff to make decisions without top-down approval, and repairing “broken trust” between the board and staff, led by Timm.

Prior to joining Sound Transit, Timm headed up the Greater Richmond (Virginia) Transit Company, a smaller transit agency that oversaw bus routes serving about 31,000 people daily.

During her time at the agency, Sound Transit reinstated fare enforcement, moved toward a flat $3 fare for light rail, and got ready to open a new Eastside-only “starter line” after faulty construction on the I-90 light-rail bridge crossing led to massive delays on the East Link project, which voters approved in 2008.

Other delays were largely out of Timms’ hands, including the decision to consider major changes to the Sound Transit 3 light-rail map voters adopted in 2016, including the elimination of the Midtown station, the relocation of a station in South Lake Union, and a decision to bypass the Chinatown/International District and instead build new stations in Pioneer Square and SoDo, to the north and south of the CID.

The cost of several projects ballooned while Timm led Sound Transit in part because some contractors began charging premiums to Sound Transit to cover what they perceived as the extra risk of working with the agency, such as financial losses due to construction delays.

The technical advisory group noted Sound Transit’s fractured relationship with contractors in its report, saying that contractors preferred to bid for work with other agencies, like the Washington State Department of Transportation, over Sound Transit “You want to be the owner of choice not because it’s a good feather in your cap, [but] because you’ll get competitive bids,” TAG member Grace Crunican said last week.

According to a press release announcing Timm’s departure, the board “is expected to appoint an interim CEO in the weeks ahead.” The board’s next meeting is on Friday.

Finding a permanent CEO for the agency could be an arduous process. Although the position pays significantly more than other executive-level government positions, like mayor—Timm’s base salary was $375,000 a year—the job requirements are specialized and growing more so as the agency enters its biggest-ever capital expansion phase. After Timm’s predecessor, Peter Rogoff, announced he was leaving 2021, it took Sound Transit well over a year to offer the job to Timm, in a process that was shrouded in secrecy.

Expert Panel “Disappointed” In Sound Transit’s Lack of Progress on Recommendations to Avoid Overruns, Delay

With Sound Transit poised to enter the most intense period of capital spending in its history, an advisory group expressed alarm at the agency’s apparent lack of urgency on key recommendations.

By Erica C. Barnett

A panel of outside experts established last year to help Sound Transit reduce delays to its burgeoning portfolio of megaprojects expressed disappointment last week with the agency’s progress on six recommendations it made in February, noting that many are just now getting underway after many months of delay. With the agency entering the most intense period of capital expansion in its history, members of the Technical Advisory Group (TAG) told Sound Transit’s executive committee on Wednesday, the agency needs to act aggressively to avoid major overruns and delays.

“We’re trying to up your game in order to get the dollar to go a lot further. I want to make sure you understand the value of that,” TAG member Grace Crunican told the board committee. “That’s why we’re nervous about the fact that you’re not up and running. We came to you saying, ‘Hey, let’s go,’ and it’s a year later, and, ‘hey, we haven’t gone.’”

The TAG’s recommendations included restoring lost trust between the Sound Transit board and top agency staff, including CEO Julie Timm; empowering staff to take action, such as signing off on contract changes, without running every decision up the management chain; and hiring an “experienced megaproject capital program executive team” to oversee the expansion of light rail to Tacoma, Lynnwood, Ballard, and West Seattle. The agency’s deputy CEO in charge of system expansion, longtime Sound Transit staffer Brooke Belman, quietly announced she was leaving earlier this year.

“I think we talked about it being a wave, and the wave was coming. The wave is not coming. It is on us right now. And that means the sense of urgency of moving forward with our recommendations is very, very real.”—Sound Transit Technical Advisory Group member Ken Johnsen

Since the recommendations came out, TAG members said, the agency has shown little urgency about putting them into practice. “It’s important to me that the top leadership embrace these changes and work on them diligently, and we’re a long way off from ‘diligently’ at this point,” Sound Transit board member Claudia Balducci told PubliCola.

“There’s been some work—we voted recently to change our contract approval thresholds so that more contracts can be completed and moved by the CEO… but when you get a recommendation that says you need to rebuild trust… that feels to me like something where there needed to be some intentional time invested by the board and the CEO and management to work on that.”

Meanwhile, Sound Transit continues to approach a point in its schedule where it will need to spend between about $5 billion and $8 billion a year to stay on track—a level of annual spending that will dwarf everything Sound Transit has built to date. “We have to change the way we do business,” Balducci said. Every day of delay, Technical Advisory Group (TAG) member Ken Johnsen told the committee, could have cascading effects on Sound Transit’s ability to deliver the projects it has promised, some of which are already running years behind schedule.

Pointing to a chart that shows the amount of money Sound Transit needs to spend on its projects each year in order to avoid major overruns and delays, Johnsen said, “if we sometimes sound overly aggressive on our sense of urgency and why these things need to be moving, it’s because of that chart. I think we talked about it being a wave, and the wave was coming. The wave is not coming. It is on us right now. And that means the sense of urgency of moving forward with our recommendations is very, very real.”

A key issue the TAG noted in its initial report was that “Sound Transit’s current culture appears to discourage decision-making”—staff either don’t feel like they can make decisions on their own, or don’t do so “for fear of making the wrong one and getting reprimanded.” These issues can produce delays that cause contractors to bid on projects where they know they’ll get paid on time and consistently; already, according to the February TAG report, top-tier contractors prefer to seek contracts with other agencies because of long delays getting invoices approved and paid.

“I feel that our recommendations were pretty clear and concise, but that’s not what we saw in these first meetings,” TAG member Connie Crawford, added. “And just the fact that it’s eight months later, nine months later, when we’re having the kickoff meetings [with staff]—that’s been a disappointment to us.”

After the discussion last week, the board went into executive session to discuss a performance review for Sound Transit CEO Julie Timm, who has been at the agency since last September. When they returned to the dais, after extending the session multiple times, the committee no longer had a quorum and had to end the meeting. However, questions about Timm’s future at the agency may be answered on Friday, when her performance evaluation is on the agenda for the board’s public meeting.

Under Vague Emergency Driving Policy, SPD Officers’ Reckless Driving Often Goes Unpunished

Seattle police officer Kevin Dave (SPD body camera footage)

By Andrew Engelson

On the evening of May 9, 2022, eight months before Seattle Police Department officer Kevin Dave struck and killed Jaahnavi Kandula while driving 74 miles an hour, a different SPD officer, John Marion, was seen speeding south on I-5 without his lights or sirens on. 

A driver observed Marion’s behavior and filed a complaint with the Office of Police Accountability (OPA). After consulting GPS records, body-worn video, and in-car video, OPA concluded that Marion was driving as fast as 106 miles an hour and didn’t turn on his lights or sirens. In addition, Marion was driving fast for no reason: OPA determined he was not responding to an active 911 call. 

The report concluded that Marion had violated the department’s policies on what it calls “emergency vehicle operations,” which specify when an officer can break the speed limit or violate traffic laws. Marion received no punishment beyond an oral reprimand.

SPD’s policies on emergency driving are vague, advising officers that they should engage in emergency driving when there is “legitimate concern for the preservation of life” and “only when the need outweighs the risk.” These guidelines give officers enormous leeway when determining if a call merits driving at high speeds, according to Seattle Community Police Commission (CPC) co-chair Joel Merkel. 

Dave was heading to respond to a call from a person who thought he had taken too much cocaine and was standing outside his South Lake Union apartment building when he accelerated to more than three times the speed limit on Dexter Ave., striking Kandula in a crosswalk. Merkel wonders if similar tragedies could be prevented if SPD had more specific guidelines. “There are a number of circumstances in that situation that the policy doesn’t really address,” he said. “It talks about ongoing risk assessment. But what does the policy say with respect to lighting? Or how much traffic is present? Or how many pedestrians are present?”

Shannon Cheng, the chair of People Power Washington, a group that advocates for increased police accountability, worries that SPD will try to frame the fatal collision as one officer’s mistake rather than a larger pattern of irresponsible driving. “One of the first rules of emergency response is to ensure safety both for yourself, the person you’re going to help and anybody along the way,” Cheng said. “This officer did not follow this basic first rule that every first responder learns. That does raise questions. Is this a more systemic issue within the police department?”

The King County Prosecutor’s Office has hired a consultant to review video of the collision that killed Kandula, and will decide whether to press charges against the officer once that review is complete.

While much of the recent debate over police driving has focused on whether or not to limit pursuits, similar risks associated with responding to emergency calls have largely slipped under the radar. Publicly available data on high speeds and risky behavior by SPD officers is virtually nonexistent. That’s unfortunate, Merkel says, because emergency responses are much more common than pursuits.

“911 responses that demand an emergency response and operating your vehicle outside of normal traffic patterns to effectively respond quickly – that’s far more common than an officer pursuing another vehicle,” Merkel said. “They are both incredibly dangerous to the community.”

OPA found that officer Ivanov had pursued two people who weren’t involved in the shooting but “fled out of fear.” The report also noted that one of Ivanov’s supervisors arrived on the scene after the Volvo crashed and said, “That’s not our guy. It doesn’t even come close to the description I put out.” OPA recommended a two-day suspension for Ivanov.

What SPD calls “emergency vehicle operations” includes any response to a 911 call that involves violating speed limits or other traffic rules. It doesn’t include pursuits, which have their own, separate policy. Under that policy, pursuits require supervisor approval and are only allowed when the person poses a “significant imminent threat of death or serious physical injury to others.” SPD’s pursuit policy spells out factors to consider before engaging in a chase, including weather, road conditions, and whether pedestrians are present.

SPD’s policy on emergency driving, in contrast, offer only perfunctory guidelines, instructing officers: “The preservation of life is the highest priority. Criminal apprehension and the preservation of property are secondary.” In addition, it advises officers that they should use an emergency response “where there is a legitimate concern for the preservation of life” and “only when the need outweighs the risk.” 

SPD’s policy doesn’t specify what sort of calls justify emergency driving. It’s unclear, for instance, if officers can or should violate traffic rules when responding to violent felonies or in-progress domestic violence incidents. The policy gives officers wide discretion, even allowing emergency driving in response to in-progress misdemeanors or property crimes such as stolen cars.

When asked how the department balances the need for fast response times and SPD’s emergency response policy, which states that officers “drive no faster than reasonably necessary to safely arrive at the scene,” SPD spokesperson John O’Neil declined to answer that question. Instead, he pointed out that SPD’s median response time to priority 1 calls—the most serious type of calls— increased from 6.3 minutes in 2018 to 7.2 minutes in 2022. 

PubliCola reviewed scores of OPA reports and found numerous examples in which SPD officers were investigated for excessive speed, including officers with multiple incidents involving high speeds or aggressive driving.

Before his I-5 speeding incident last year, for example, officer Marion was also the subject of a 2018 complaint for driving aggressively in traffic while not responding to any emergency. According to the report, Marion tailgated a vehicle, accelerated, and sped up to get alongside the vehicle’s driver side. The man who filed the complaint said Marion then “stared him down,” “suddenly accelerated,” changed lanes, and continued driving. OPA did not find that Marion broke any rules, but required him to go through additional training.

In November, OPA issued its findings on a December 2022 incident in which SPD officer Ilya Ivanov started a high-speed pursuit that OPA said wasn’t justified. Chasing a Volvo that Ivanov told investigators he believed was driven by someone involved in drive-by shooting, the officer followed the car at speeds over 100 miles per hour on Martin Luther King Jr. Way S, S. Othello St., and residential streets nearby. 

OPA found in its investigation that Ivanov had pursued two people who weren’t involved in the shooting but “fled out of fear.” The report also noted that one of Ivanov’s supervisors arrived on the scene after the Volvo crashed and said, “That’s not our guy. It doesn’t even come close to the description I put out.” OPA recommended a two-day suspension for Ivanov.

In 2022, OPA investigated another incident in which Ivanov engaged in a high-speed pursuit of a burglary suspect that also reached speeds of over 100 miles per hour. The chase continued south of Seattle to Renton, where the suspect eventually collided with two vehicles not involved in the pursuit, and injured two bystanders.

Investigators found that the risks the SPD officers took chasing the non-violent suspect “grew significantly during the pursuit and, ultimately, outweighed the need to catch the suspect vehicle. At that point, the pursuit should have been terminated.” OPA ordered Ivanov to receive more training.

OPA’s investigations over the past four years include numerous cases of unjustified pursuits; two incidents in which officers drove more than 50 miles per hour in 25-mile-per-hour zones; an officer who allegedly drove 85 miles per hour on her way home from work; a high-speed chase on Aurora Avenue that injured a bystanding driver; an incident in which two SPD officers raced each other;  and an officer who drove his police vehicle to a bar and, after getting drunk crashed his squad car. That officer, Gregory Tomlinson, was briefly suspended, but is still with SPD. The OPA wrote in its report that it “hopes that this behavior is not repeated in the future.”

Cheng says this proliferation of driving-related incidents and lack of meaningful discipline results in a mismatch between what the public expects will happen when officers engage in risky behavior and what the union contract with the Seattle Police Officers Guild (SPOG) allows.  “lf an officer did something so bad that they decided that they needed to fire them,” Cheng said, “you still have this issue with arbitration and that the officers have the right to appeal that decision.” Firings, Cheng noted, rarely happen.

Cheng hopes that at a minimum, the new SPOG contract—which has been in negotiations since 2019 —will have tighter arbitration policies, similar to what’s in the contract the city council approved for the Seattle Police Management Association (SPMA) last year. 

“It used to be that if an officer went to arbitration, it was like a whole new trial where they could bring up new evidence that OPA wouldn’t have had access to,” Cheng said. “The SPMA contract tightened that up and said you need to disclose all the information up front, and you can’t bring in new information late in the game to try to overturn a disciplinary decision.”

Martina Morris, a professor of sociology at the University of Washington who has studied the risks of high-speed pursuits, said that SPOG’s collective bargaining process has created obstacles to accountability. Morris worries that SPD will treat both Kandula’s death—and officer Daniel Auderer’s jokes about her “limited value”—as mistakes made by a few bad apples. “Based on [Auderer’s] leaked bodycam audio, it’s clear there is a culture in place at SPD that civil judgements will deflect, and take the place of, systemic assessment and reform,” she said.

The pertinent question, Community Police Commission co-chair Joel Merkel said, is “does the operation of the vehicle outside of the traffic pattern match the emergency? If it’s a really big emergency, you probably want that vehicle operating far outside traffic rules. But if it’s a very small emergency, you probably don’t.”

Earlier this year, a KUOW report found a significant number of SPD officers did not have the updated emergency vehicle operations training required by a new state law that reduced restrictions on pursuits. In response, the CPC wrote a letter to police chief Adrian Diaz in June asking how many officers had up-to-date emergency vehicle operations training and why SPD’s policies on emergency response are more vague than its policies on pursuit.

SPD spokesman O’Neil said 95 percent of officers are now up to date with the required emergency vehicle operations “refresher,” an hour-long online course that goes over pursuits, braking times, and other safety considerations when driving at high speeds. 

The Washington state legislature passed legislation limiting police pursuits in 2021 and and then relaxed some of those restrictions earlier this year. State law requires “reasonable suspicion” that a suspect has committed a violent offense, sexual assault, or poses a serious risk of harm to others. SPD’s policy on pursuits says an officer must establish “probable cause” (a higher legal standard) that there is an imminent threat of death or serious injury. According to SPD policy, an officer has to get supervisor approval for a pursuit and weigh various factors including weather and road conditions, and whether there are other pedestrians or drivers in the area.

SPD’s emergency response policy, however, is much more open-ended and does not require officers to consider those factors.

“There are some rules with respect to emergency response, but they’re very vague and leave a lot of discretion to the officer—with the overarching goal of preserving life and ongoing risk assessment,” Merkel said. “There are plenty of areas within that vague policy that could benefit from more specific directions.”

Other police departments have more specific policies related to emergency response. In Portland, the city’s police department manual says that police can only break speed limits or traffic laws when responding to Code 3 calls (the most serious), which include a “person’s life in danger, crime in progress, [or] crime with suspects present.” Denver’s police procedures specify when emergency response is acceptable, including “shootings, robberies in progress, explosions, other catastrophes, or major disasters in which lives are endangered.” San Francisco’s police manual goes further, noting that police can engage in emergency response to Code 3 calls “only when an emergency response appears reasonably necessary to prevent serious injury to persons”—regardless of what type of crime is being committed.

The pertinent question, Merkel said, is “does the operation of the vehicle outside of the traffic pattern match the emergency? If it’s a really big emergency, you probably want that vehicle operating far outside traffic rules. But if it’s a very small emergency, you probably don’t.”

While SPD’s pursuit rules require lights and sirens “as necessary,” its emergency response rules require only “audible signals,” which can include shorter “chirps” or intermittent bursts from sirens. Merkel believes officers should be required to use their lights and sirens during both pursuits and emergency response.

In reply to the CPC’s letter, Chief Diaz wrote that SPD was “evaluating edits to make the two policies more consistent, as we fully agree that most of the same considerations, notwithstanding the fleeing driver, are present in both circumstances.”

In response to a question from PubliCola about this review to make SPD’s policies on pursuit and emergency response more similar, SPD spokesperson O’Neil said, “The changes to [emergency vehicle operations] are under review by the policy section and the Community Police Commission has indicated that they will be engaging community on this policy.”

Cheng is skeptical that a change in the policy will result in safer driving by SPD officers. “If we get this pretty piece of paper with strong-sounding words on it, but officers don’t respect that, or feel like ‘well, I can behave however I want, and I’ll still be found to have acted within policy,’ it’s not going to bring the change that we want,” she said.

It’s up to SPD officers to determine if a call requires an emergency response, and nothing in SPD’s policy manual specifically states whether the priority of the call matters when deciding whether or not to break traffic rules. “The 911 center doesn’t determine how they respond in their vehicles,” 911 operations deputy directory Jason Adams said.

Making the problem more complex is the movement of 911 call center operations from SPD to a civilian city department in 2021 – now rebranded as the CARE department.

SPD’s emergency response policies don’t refer to the categories that the 911 call center uses to prioritize calls. It’s also not clear if priority 1 calls always require police officers to disregard traffic laws to reach the scene quickly. Dave, for instance, was responding to a priority 1 call when he struck Kandula, but 911 operators and the fire department had already determined that the caller was conscious, lucid, and not in imminent danger well before Dave accelerated to 74 miles an hour on Dexter Ave.

Jacob Adams, deputy director of 911 operations, said the primary reason 911 operators designate a call priority 1 is that it “represents an imminent threat to life.” Adams said that priority 1 calls could also include “possible medical emergency calls, any response with Seattle Fire [Department], serious assaults, in-progress domestic violence-related incidents, and hang-up, abandoned, or unknown circumstance calls.”

However, it’s up to SPD officers to determine if a call requires an emergency response, and nothing in SPD’s policy manual specifically states whether the priority of the call matters when deciding whether or not to break traffic rules. “The 911 center doesn’t determine how they respond in their vehicles,” Adams said.

Merkel would like to see more specific wording in SPD’s manual about when officers should use emergency driving to respond to dispatches, and wants SPD to add considerations such as weather, pedestrians, and traffic to the policy. But he’s concerned the police union will push back against more specific wording.

“A policy that has clear guidelines is arguably something that’s easier to violate than something that’s vague,” Merkel said. “It would be consistent with their past practices to resist policies that provide more prescription rather than discretion.”

SPOG did not respond to requests for comment about SPD’s emergency response policies.

Meanwhile, Cheng is closely watching negotiations over the SPOG contract, especially regarding arbitration, which often reinstates officers who’ve been accused of misconduct. She pointed to an arbitrator reinstating an SPD officer who punched a handcuffed woman (a decision the Washington State Court of Appeals later reversed) as an example of how difficult it is to seriously reprimand officers who engage in excessive speeds or other misconduct.

“If the end goal is that we want to change the culture of the police department by trying to get rid of these bad apples, then we need to fire them,” Cheng said.

Councilmember-Elect Saka Compared 8-Inch Road Divider to Trump’s Border Wall

Partial map of the RapidRide road safety improvement project on Delridge; the arrow points to the daycare Saka says the city is discriminating against.

By Erica C. Barnett

City Councilmember-elect Rob Saka, a former Meta attorney who will represent West Seattle’s District 1 starting next year, sent a series of increasingly heated emails to Seattle Department of Transportation employees during 2021 and 2022 seeking the removal of a road divider that SDOT installed in front of his kids’ preschool. The divider was part of the RapidRide H project connecting Burien, White Center, and West Seattle to downtown.

The curb-like divider is a variation on a common traffic calming device known as a hardened centerline. The curb, which replaced a double yellow line, physically prevents northbound drivers from making an illegal left turn to access homes and businesses on the west side of the street, including a bilingual preschool called the Refugee and Immigrant Family Center. According to an April 2022 South Seattle Emerald story about the dispute, Saka’s two children attended the preschool as of last year.

In the email thread (reproduced in part here), which PubliCola obtained through a records request, Saka compared the mid-block traffic barrier to Trump’s border wall and said it was “triggering” and “severely traumatizing” to immigrants who “have faced significant trauma during their perilous journeys, including by navigating divisive structures and barriers designed to exclude lives in the US.”

“First, it might be helpful to reset on physical barriers as a social construct and how SDOT’s dangerous barrier here has severely traumatized and upset our community at the Refugee & Immigrant Family Center (RIFC),” Saka wrote. “Historically, barriers have been used to exclude, isolate, divide, discriminate against, project power over, subjugate, render less than status to, punish, segregate, humiliate/embarrass, harass, degrade, and so much more.”

“Historically, barriers have been used to exclude, isolate, divide, discriminate against, project power over, subjugate, render less than status to, punish, segregate, humiliate/embarrass, harass, degrade, and so much more,” Saka told project staff last March. “More recently, the Trump administration sought to build an enormous wall on the southern border with Mexico – presumably, to exclude certain individuals deemed ‘undesirable’ in the name of national security.”

The border wall is a 30-foot-high barrier, spanning hundreds of miles, that has contributed to the deaths of countless migrants, including a growing number of deaths and injuries due to falls. The Delridge barrier is an 8-inch-high road divider that runs for about 100 feet. Although Saka described the divider as “highly unique and bizarre,” SDOT has installed similar road treatments across the city, including along 15th Ave. NW in Ballard and Rainier Ave. South between I-90 and the Rainier Valley.

Even before SDOT installed the divider, left turns were illegal along the length of the RapidRide project, which also includes new bike lanes on both sides of the street. The divider is one of many new road treatments designed to keep people from attempting to pass stopped buses and prevent collisions with pedestrians and cyclists.

Many of the new safety measures along Delridge are much larger and more permanent than the raised centerline outside the RIFC. Just to the north of the preschool, for example, a new RapidRide bus stop in front of Louisa Boren K-8 school features a raised concrete island in the middle of Delridge, along with wide markings between the lanes to indicate that drivers should not turn left or pass buses at the RapidRide stop. Immediately to the north, a broad, landscaped median protects patrons at the Delridge library from cars turning illegally into the bike lanes and parking lot.

Nationwide, about a quarter of all car crashes involving pedestrians are caused by a driver turning left and hitting someone in their path.

The South Seattle Emerald’s story about the preschool’s concerns also notes that the new bike lane took out several parking spaces parents had used to drop off and pick up their kids.

POV: Driving north on Delridge Way SW, the new barrier blocks drivers from turning into a new bike lane and the sidewalk used by transit riders. It also prevents illegal left turns into a preschool parking lot.

In his emails, Saka suggested that community members, not roadway designers at SDOT, were in the best position to know what keeps their roadways safe.

For clarity, we don’t need a secretive ‘design team’ to impose their errant decisions on us in the name of ‘public safety’. Nor do we need a benevolent king to do the same,” Saka wrote. (Emphasis in original.) “SDOT must immediately remove the most egregious feature – a concrete barrier that directly targets our RIFC community and was erected without our prior consultation, input, or knowledge.”

In April 2022, an SDOT public engagement manager offered to set up a meeting with Saka to discuss the project. Saka responded that he would only meet the SDOT team if the agency guaranteed in advance that they would remove the barrier. “Like I mentioned earlier, we need this pretty simple confirmation from SDOT in order to ensure any meeting would be an effective and efficient use of time,” Saka wrote. “I strongly urge you to NOT overthink your response.”

SDOT has not yet responded to PubliCola’s inquiries about the project, and Saka did not respond to detailed questions sent on Tuesday. The operator of the RIFC also did not immediately respond to questions sent Thursday. A search of court records did not show any legal action by Saka, either on his own or on behalf of the preschool, and the road divider remains in place.