Tag: sex trafficking

A Tough-Love Shelter Provider Has a Foothold in Liberal Seattle, But Former Residents and Staff Say They Failed to Deliver on Promises

The More We Love got a contract to create a “receiving center” for women leaving the sex trade last year. Women who lived and worked there say the shelter offered few services and exposed some of its clients to harm.

By Erica C. Barnett

In June 2025, a local activist named Kristine Moreland brought several former sex workers who got shelter through her Kirkland-based nonprofit, The More We Love, to tell their stories in council chambers. The presentation, in then-Seattle City Councilmember Cathy Moore’s human services committee, served as a soft launch Moreland’s latest project—a motel-based shelter in Renton Moreland said could serve as a “receiving center” with wraparound services for women leaving the sex trade.

The conversation quickly became emotional. Moreland wept through most of her introductory comments, and Moore addressed the women through sobs.

Moreland told the committee that The More We Love’s approach is unique because, unlike other providers, the group and its staff serve as a “constant” for each woman they serve, working alongside them from the moment they make the decision to leave their pasts behind. “We’re not just responding—we’re building outcomes that change lives, and we do it by being people’s constants in a world that so often turns its back,” Moreland said, her voice insistent and serious. “We show up over and over again, we listen, we stay, we love people where they are, and we walk with them towards where they’re going—not perfectly, but faithfully.”

The women who came with Moreland praised her effusively. “You made me a better woman because you showed me how to be,” one told Moreland. “You open your arms and I fall apart every time because of my angels from The More We Love.”

Council member Moore, apologizing for losing her composure, said, “It’s just—your stories are so compelling, and we lose them so often. We lose these sight of who’s out there in the work that we’re doing. Sorry. I’m so grateful, so grateful.”

The previous year, as a companion to controversial legislation creating a new Stay Out of Areas of Prostitution (SOAP) zone on Aurora Ave. N, where street sex work is common, Moore had secured $2 million in the budget to fund services and shelter for women leaving the sex trade. But then she did something unorthodox.

Established service providers were in the middle of drafting proposals for funding when Moore halted the competitive bidding process and awarded $1 million directly to The More We Love in March 2025. According to the group’s contract,  the shelter program was supposed to offer “wraparound stabilization services,” including “survivor-led programming, peer mentorship, job training, financial planning, and referrals to long-term housing, treatment, and legal support.”‘

The contract didn’t get going until June 2025. (For that reason, the final award was closer to $600,000). By December, the city had placed a “pause” on enrollment in the program so HSD could look into the group’s compliance with basic city requirements, including record-keeping and confidentiality standards. According to a spokeswoman for the city’s Human Services Department, the city “found the shelter to be out of compliance in 13 areas of the Washington Administrative Code (WAC) and contract requirements.”

Moreland, who responded to our request for an interview with a lengthy email, characterized the city’s review as a routine “contractual ‘comprehensive review,'” not an investigation, and provided a compliance letter from HSD in which the department said The More We Love had corrected “most areas we found to be noncompliant.” However, HSD also noted in that letter that the department would continue to bar new enrollments in the program because it was “unable to verify areas of non-compliance before the end of the contract period.”

But the issues with The More We Love’s shelter program appear to run deeper than a mere failure to comply with the city’s basic requirements. In recent months, PubliCola has spoken to nearly a dozen people who worked for, lived in, or volunteered at the shelter who said they became disillusioned with the program after realizing how far it fell short of its lofty goals. Far from being each woman’s “constant,” they said, Moreland and her staff left women and their kids living in isolated motel rooms without the case management, counseling, and resources they needed to succeed.

 

Moreland won her first government contract largely through persistence. A charismatic, photogenic woman with an ear for soundbites, Moreland was a Kirkland mortgage broker and Union Gospel Mission volunteer when she started to pitch herself as a homeless service provider in 2023.

At the time, Moreland faced a number of legal and financial challenges: She owed the state of Washington at least $24,000 in unpaid fees and penalties related to a settlement of charges that she violated the state Consumer Lending Act, and had failed to pay at least $33,000 in credit card debt, resulting in a legal judgment from King Couny District Court. Two years earlier, she was charged with a DUI and briefly had her driver’s license suspended.

The More We Love didn’t start as a homeless service nonprofit. In its original incarnation, the group—which Moreland initially called the MORELove Project—pitched itself as a provide of private “sweeps,” offering to remove tents and people from business-owned properties for $515 a head.

When the city of Burien began debating how to address encampments in the city, Moreland started showing up at Burien City Council meetings to pitch her group as an effective alternative to traditional homeless service providers. In public comments, she expressed astonishment that other groups, like the established outreach organization REACH, were having such a hard time housing people when she had no trouble at all getting people out of tents and into detox, treatment, and housing.

Conservative Burien councilmembers like Stephanie Mora started pushing The More We Love as an innovative new solution to homelessness in the city. By 2024, Burien had canceled its contract with REACH and given it to Moreland’s group.

Homeless advocates were skeptical about Moreland’s miraculous-sounding claims, but over time, The More We Love became an integral part of Burien’s homeless response. But the More We Love has never released detailed information about its services or success rates, though. For two years, the only data they’ve released consists of a graphics-heavy three-page report that includes high-level numbers, like “303 people served” and “129 resource referrals,” which isn’t sufficient to know where its government funds are going or if they’re producing lasting results.

While she was securing trust and funding in Burien, Moreland was becoming a rising star among right-wing media in Seattle—all too happy to narrate on camera as the Discovery Institute’s Jonathan Choe filmed homeless people in crisis on Third Avenue, or to take center stage in a recent KIRO radio series about a boy who was found living in a tent with his mother.

Despite Moreland’s lack of traditional credentials, some—including representatives from two King County homeless service providers who spoke with PubliCola on background—have praised The More We Love for showing up immediately and getting people into shelter right away, at any time of day or night. They say Moreland has a special skill at convincing unsheltered people to come indoors—a frequent challenge when working with people who have repeatedly been burned by the homelessness system.

One provider said, approvingly, that The More We Love has been able to work closely with the Seattle Police Department to get people off the streets and into shelter instead of taking them to jail. (SPD told PubliCola they no longer refer people to Moreland’s group, but did not say why). That same provider also said Moreland frequently referred drug users to inpatient treatment at Lakeside-Milam, a residential  program in Kirkland, making good use of funds former councilmember Sara Nelson earmarked for the private treatment center.

The More We Love’s official address is a private mailbox in Kirkland. Moreland also shares an office with staff at The More We Love’s motel-based shelter in Renton. By all accounts, though, she spends most of her time outside any office—speaking to elected officials, going into encampments, talking to friendly media, and driving people to and from appointments.

“I was just intoxicated”

According to former shelter residents and staffers, Moreland often appeared as a miracle worker in their lives, then seemed to vanish.

Sarah Ann Hamilton, a sex trafficking survivor and longtime advocate who worked as The More We Love’s director of survivor services, first met Moreland at a fundraiser for the Seattle nonprofit Stolen Youth. Hamilton was working for the Organization for Prostitution Survivors in Seattle when Moore approached her about volunteering to help The More We Love with encampment outreach in Burien.

From the beginning, Hamilton said, Moreland made her feel special and chosen—”like it was me and her against everybody.” For a year, Hamilton recalled, she worked for Moreland for free, “just helping people” who were living in encampments until “we got the Burien contract” in 2024  Once that happened, Hamilton quit her job at OPS, ignoring friends and colleagues who warned her to be cautious about Moreland, she said. “All I was seeing was her helping people,” Hamilton said.

Before long, Hamilton had become Moreland’s right-hand woman and a fierce advocate for the new shelter for women leaving the sex trade, which Hamilton said she believed would be survivor-led and survivor-centered. She was at the table when former councilmember Moore burst into tears listening to survivors’ stories, and she thought Moreland saw something in her that other people didn’t.

“She kept telling me, ‘I have a vision that one day you’ll be an executive director,'” Hamilton said. “We started talking about opening up a house [for survivors], and then we came up with the idea of opening up the Sarah Ann House”—a planned women’s shelter that was going to be named after Hamilton. For a while, The More We Love’s website featured photos of Moreland and Hamilton sitting in a porch swing outside the house. But after what Hamilton and a second former volunteer described as a dispute with the owner, the deal fell through.

Chelsea, a former shelter volunteer, said Moreland initially made her feel like the center of the universe too. (Except where last names are provided, all the names in this story are pseudonyms.) The two first met as volunteers at Union Gospel Mission, which runs a nighttime shelter and “search and rescue” program in Seattle. Chelsea was working for another homelessness program, feeling “really burned out,” when Moreland told her she was developing a shelter and counseling program for sex trafficking survivors and thought it would be a great fit for her skills. Chelsea thought her volunteer work would lead to a paying job, but it never did.

Like Hamilton, Chelsea said Moreland made her feel special. “I was just so intoxicated by what she was telling me. We’d go shopping she’d take me out to these fancy dinners and just thought she was magical.” But Chelsea said it wasn’t always easy to stay in Moreland’s good graces. She noticed that the women staying in the shelter, much like Chelsea, became concerned if they didn’t get positive attention from Moreland. “They’re all dependent” on Moreland, Chelsea said. “They really fight to be her favorite, and they’re nervous if they’re not.”

The More We Love founder Kristine Moreland at a panel hosted by former city councilmember Cathy Moore

One former shelter resident we spoke to, Monica, was a sex trafficking survivor who had been working around Third and Pike in downtown Seattle when The More We Love picked her up and took her to the shelter. She described a scene of instant,  discomfiting intimacy on her first day there. “They were like, ‘I love you, I love you,'” she said. Monica said she had “an immediate love for the shelter” because it was easy to enter, with “absolutely no paperwork,” and because “they came and got me,” along with her dog and teenage daughter, and brought them straight to a motel room.

Lisa, a former shelter resident who ended up there after calling 211, also described her initial experience with shelter staff as strangely intimate. “As soon as you get there, they’re already telling you ‘I love you, I love you so much.’  They say it all the time. … Clearly, they wanted to establish trust quickly.”

But that close-knit feeling cut both ways, Lisa added. “People who were exited from the program or got kicked out—we were not allowed to talk to them or [we felt like] we’d get kicked out too. Who you could talk to was [decided] on a case by case basis—it was very strange and very arbitrary.”

One former sex worker who lived at the shelter for more than six months, Rebecca, also had high hopes for her time with More We Love. After meeting with Moreland, Rebecca quit her part-time job with a homeless service provider in Seattle to take a volunteer position at the shelter that she believed would lead to a paying job as on-site staff. Hamilton was an old friend, from “the life,” she said, so Rebecca trusted her that the job opportunity was legitimate.

“Sarah thought she was the co-founder, and she reached out to me and was like, ‘Who better to lead a survivor-led organization than us?'” Rebecca said. “As soon as the funding came through—as soon as Cathy Moore made the announcement about the million-dollar funding going through to The More We Love—[Moreland] was like, how quickly can you quit your second job?’ She asked me to send her my resume and she said, ‘You’re hired.'”

Rebecca, who was struggling but not homeless at the time, left her housing and moved into one of the rooms at the motel. But instead of a paying position, she said, she ended up cleaning rooms when women left the motel and providing informal counseling to new clients at all hours of the day and night. Apart from the $250 she estimates she received for cleaning five rooms, “I never, ever, ever got paid,” Rebecca said.

Instead of getting the job she had hoped for, Rebecca said she was told she would have to go to residential treatment at a rebab center across the state.It seemed like “a great treatment facility,” Rebecca said, but “treatment isn’t for me.” She left with no money or way back to the Seattle area, and ended up begging her way onto a three-and-a-half-hour bus ride. When she arrived back at the shelter, she was told she was no longer welcome because she didn’t finish treatment.

The More We Love’s contract with Seattle says the program “has high accountability to stay” and that “Survivors who use substances are asked to commit to a pathway towards recovery to stay in the shelter unit” by going to “the appropriate treatment/detox facility.” Although The More We Love’s Seattle contract says they will work with people who don’t immediately get sober “to find next steps after exiting the emergency shelter,” Rebecca said that didn’t happen in her case. For a while, she lived in her car.

“I was the most homeless I’d ever been in my life,” she said. “Mind you, I had a home before I came over there to help them.”

Later, Rebecca said, Moreland and another staffer agreed to meet with her at the shelter to talk. Rebecca drove there on a nearly empty tank of gas, but they never showed. Later, she said, they offered to help her with a rent deposit. That never happened either. “Nothing good has come out of me being introduced to that organization whatsoever,” she said.

Rebecca is no longer homeless. “I am in a place now,” she said, “but I don’t want to give credit to The More We Love, because it wasn’t them. It was me.”

Hamilton, her mother, and a second shelter resident said they a similar situation play out with another woman. PubliCola was unable to speak to her directly, but the women said Moreland described her as The More We Love’s “donation lead” but never formally hired her or paid her for her work. In her email to Moreland and Insalaco, Hamilton said other shelter residents had directed racial slurs the woman, who is Black, and referred to her children as “monkeys”; “No corrective action was taken, and there were no written organizational policies addressing racism at a moral or operational level,” Hamilton wrote.

Hamilton’s mother Karen, who watched Moreland woo her daughter, said falling out of Moreland’s favor “took a big toll” on her.  “In front of other people, she would always just praise Sarah to the nines, but when Sarah started to question things, it just became a different story,” Karen Hamilton said. “It really crushed her in terms of, what she thought was going to happen didn’t happen. All of us in her family have just tried to say to her, this was a horrible thing that’s happened and something good will come out of it.”

“Well, what do you offer?”

Chelsea, the volunteer who first met Moreland through UGM, was doing volunteer encampment outreach for The More We Love in Burien, in 2024, when she started hearing complaints about Moreland from people living in tents. They told her Moreland had promised to give them money, services, and rides to appointments, but hadn’t delivered.

“I had clients that I had connected with who were still coming to me, saying things like, ‘Kristine promised she’d help me with a month of sober living,’ or ‘She’s going to pay the vet so I can keep my dog,'” Chelsea recalled. “Another one couldn’t get to a doctor’s appointment. I paid ridiculous amounts for Ubers” to get people to appointments, she said.

As someone trained at her nonprofit day job to provide trauma-informed care, Chelsea said she noticed that Moreland had a one-size-fits-all approach to unsheltered people with addiction, who are often coping with complex trauma: Pick them up, give them a bed, then send them to detox to sink or swim. Detox, unlike treatment, is a brief medical intervention that helps people quit drinking or using drugs in a medically safe environment.

“I noticed that she’d go in and just say ‘detox, detox, detox’ with all these people,” Chelsea said.  “I was like, ‘Okay, what do we do after they’re in detox?’ and she was like, ‘Just put them in a rehab.’ She didn’t seem to understand that getting someone to rehab is only the first step” to recovery.

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In one instance, Chelsea recalled creating a “MacGyvered-together plan” for a homeless client that involved going to detox, attending recovery meetings in Seattle, and—most importantly—staying away from Burien, where he was likely to fall back into old patterns of drug use. The plan fell apart, she said, when Moreland decided to let the man visit his girlfriend in Burien instead of going to an AA meeting at Cherry Hall in Seattle.

“She loves the drama and adrenaline” of tracking people down and getting them to agree to services, Chelsea said, but “she wouldn’t follow through on getting the resources that she promised.”

“What she can do is come in a crisis and look like miracle worker, when all she’s doing is throwing people in hotels and detox with no aftercare plan,” Chelsea said. “And when they rely on her, they don’t take the other resources. They’re like, ‘I don’t want the LEAD shelter crap. Kristine’s bringing me a miracle.'”

Martina, a former shelter resident, said she and her children were fleeing domestic violence and had been staying “anywhere we could go, before they received a referral to The More We Love’s shelter. During the weeks her family spent in TMWL’s Renton shelter, she said, “I never was offered any kind of counseling. Mind you, we just left a DV situation—everybody has trauma after something like that.”

Martina also said the shelter was dirty—dirtier than her family was used to even after sleeping on airport floors. She recalled that when she and her to kids arrived at the shelter late one night, “everything [in the room] was so nasty—old food under the bed and they had blood spots on the sheets. It was so filthy.” After arguing with a staff member about whether the blood spots were a sign of bedbugs, Martina and her family were moved, wearing nothing but towels, into another room.

The family left most of their possessions, including Nikes and the kids’ VR headsets, behind in the room for heat treatment. Other than her mother’s ashes and death certificate, and her own high school diploma, Martina said they never saw any of their stuff again. Their new room, while seemingly bedbug-free, didn’t have hot water in the shower, Martina said, so she and her daughters took “bird baths” in the sink.ere

A more troubling issue, Martina said, was that the shelter didn’t feel like a safe or welcoming space for children, with no programming or group activities for the many kids who were living at the shelter when she and her kids stayed there. The shelter consists of a block of rooms in a three-building motel complex next to I-405. The More We Love’s mixed-gender shelter is in a second building, and a third building is a motel open to the general public, with rooms priced at around $45 a night.

“There was no opportunity for the kids at all—everybody’s kids sat in the rooms all day,” she said.

For a shelter that serves vulnerable and trafficked women, the “receiving center” is an unusually public and easily accessible location. Anyone can come and go as they please, Martina said—and they did. “There were people out there fighting drug dealers in the parking lot,” she recalled

Lisa, the former sex worker who said The More We Love love-bombed her when she arrived at the shelter, said she thought it was “really strange” that The More We Love would open a shelter for trafficking survivors at a motel on the side of the highway. When she asked about it, she said, “They were like, ‘We’re hiding in plain sight,’ and I was like, ‘You guys aren’t hidden at all. There are still sex workers who are working out of the other rooms!'”

Two other women each described separate incidents involving men who had access to the shelter. The first involved a maintenance worker who attacked one of the women living there. In the second incident, a man started pounding on a resident’s door and, according to a contemporaneous email documenting what happened, confronted her as she was entering her room, grabbed the items she was carrying, and threw a fire extinguisher at her.

A spokeswoman for the city’s Human Services Department told PubliCola, “We were not informed of other TMWL clients being served at the same location.”

Martina said she was told she’d she get help repairing her credit, getting to job interviews, signing up for Housing Connector (a nonprofit program that connects low-income tenants to private landlords) or providing her kids with supplies to attend school online from their hotel room.

“They were like, ‘We don’t offer that, we don’t offer that.’ And I was like, ‘Well, what do you offer?”

Chelsea said she asked similar question when she was working with Moreland to bring women and families to the shelter. “I’m like, you’re trying to empower them to eventually move out of that place and have the skills to go on with life—where are the programs?”

In fact, every woman PubliCola spoke to who spent time at the shelter, including those who were staying in the “receiving center” rooms and those who ended up there through general shelter referrals, made similar complaints. They expected services, including referrals to housing, clothes for job interviews and counseling to help them with the trauma of exploitative sex work and life on the streets. They knew these were supposed to be part of the program.  But they weren’t seeing any of it.

Moreland disputed these accounts, telling PubliCola the shelter program “includes daily access to wraparound services that support stabilization and long-term recovery. This includes one-on-one case management, individualized service planning, and ongoing meetings with case managers to support each woman’s goals and next steps. Participants have access to support groups, recovery-based programming, and parent support groups designed to strengthen family stability and connection. … This work is deeply meaningful, creating space for women to stabilize, engage in recovery, and remain with or be reunited with their children.”

Martina said living at the shelter did had one benefit: It motivated her to get two part-time jobs and find an apartment on her own. “The whole time I was in there it was a living hell, so I ended up calling everywhere every single day. I got in contact with one program, and they were like, ‘We have a one-bedroom apartment,’ and I said, ‘We will take it!'”

“Like a trafficking culture”

Some of the people who volunteered or worked for The More We Love’s shelter for abused and exploited women now say they regret their association with Moreland.

Hamilton said she first began to question The More We Love’s methods after she started working full-time at the shelter, where she said it became harder to ignore the fact that vulnerable women, many of them victims of abuse, were leaving without getting the help they were promised. She said she tried to set up a program that was “survivor-centered—they used that term to get the grant from the city,” and facilitated regular group meetings that the women could attend. Outside those meetings, Hamilton said, the only real programming at the shelter consisted of informal Bible studies and periodic outreach from local church members.

Last May, Hamilton expressed her concerns about the program in a letter to Moreland and The More We Love board member Justin Insalaco, a former police officer who, like Moreland, serves on the board of Crime Stoppers, the group that offers cash rewards for crime tips. In the letter, Hamilton accused Moreland of exploiting the women at the shelter, expecting them to work for free or minimal pay, and failing to fulfill her commitment that the program and shelter would be trauma-informed and survivor-led.

“Kristine, when we started this work together, we said The More We Love was going to be survivor-ran and survivor-led. But if I’m being transparent, that’s not what I’m seeing now,” Hamilton wrote. “It’s starting to feel like something that was said because it looked good on paper, or because it helped with funding—not something we’re actually practicing.”

Hamilton said she became increasingly concerned about how frequently Moreland expected women to share their stories with the strangers she invited to tour the shelter and talk with residents. Former councilmember Moore said it was one of these tours that convinced her that The More We Love was more effective than the other groups that work with women on Aurora Ave. N, and then-Republican gubernatorial candidate Dave Reichert dropped by when he was running for governor in 2024. The following year, Reichert’s campaign donated $25,000 of its surplus funds to The More We Love.

During an interview last December, when Hamilton was still working for The More We Love, she told me that the women would joke that preparing for tours was like getting themselves ready for a john. “When the tours come, the girls literally say, ‘Get ready, we have a date coming,” she said.  “They have created this culture that’s like a trafficking culture.”

The second former volunteer, who asked to remain anonymous, told PubliCola,”The way you get the ladies to tell the story is: You put them on the pedestal, you give them the attention, you give them that rush. They’re emotional stories, and it grips the heart and it makes people go, ‘I want to help,’ but we can get so focused on funding that we forget the people we’re helping.”

Moreland also frequently posts photos of clients on her Facebook and Instagram pages and accompanies women who testify in favor of The More We Love, often on camera, using their full names.

Personal success stories have long been a common fundraising tool for human-service nonprofits. But many organizations that work with abused or trafficked women have begun to pull back from this practice on the grounds that it’s hard to do so in a way that isn’t exploitative.

Amarinthia Torres, co-executive director of the Coalition Ending Gender-Based Violence, said “it’s a very big ask” for a survivor to share her story, especially when they’ve just left a violent or coercive situation. “It’s important that we treat then with the utmost respect and really ensure that we’re getting their true and honest permission, and they should be free to say, ‘No, I don’t’ want to do that,’ or ‘I changed my mind’ without the threat of harm or resources being taken away,” Torres said.

Advocates for women leaving abusive situations say it’s critical to create an atmosphere of safety, privacy, and confidentiality so survivors of trafficking and other forms of abuse feel safe and empowered.

“Survivor-driven advocacy”—the kind Hamilton thought she was hired to put in place at the shelter —”is about upholding confidentiality and honoring the self-determination of survivors,” Torres said. “It’s really not just theory, but a practical way to protect [survivors’] safety and also resist abuses of power.” In survivor-driven programs, women have control over their own experiences and private information and can make informed decisions about whether and how to share their personal stories. “It’s core because it’s foundational,” Torres said. You have to meet that foundational threshold first to create safety.”

Hamilton said she also raised concerns with Moreland about client privacy within the shelter—including the fact that, according to Hamilton, case notes and emails discussing the women’s personal health information were widely accessible. She also said Moreland and her two shelter staffers, Stephanie Shields and Carolyn Sand, talked about clients in the presence of other people, including other women who were staying at the shelter. This made women reluctant to complain or bring up issues that were bothering them, Hamilton said, because they couldn’t be sure staffers would keep their private information private.

Martina recalled that Moreland and other staffers “talked about a lot of people in front of me. One of the girls had a brand new newborn and they were talking about how smelly the baby was [and] saying they’re gonna call [Child Protective Services] on her. I went back out of the room with my kids and I said, ‘Just imagine what they’re saying about us if they can talk about a little baby like that.'”

It wasn’t the first time someone had expressed concerns about the group’s commitment to keeping people’s personal information confidential. Back in 2023, Moreland distributed a spreadsheet with detailed medical notes about individual encampment residents to a Burien city council member, two police officials, and a real estate investor who paid The More We Love to remove an encampment on his property.

Screenshot from KIRO Radio series “The Boy In the Tent”

“What if I do have a demon inside me?”

Several women who lived at the shelter said staying there seemed to require participating in Christian religious activities that made them uncomfortable. These practices, they told me, went far beyond optional prayers and Bible study groups.

The More We Love’s “welcome binder” says the group is “not a faith-based organization,” but that they are  “proud to have Carolyn, a kind and compassionate spiritual guide,” on staff. “At some of our events and meetings, Carolyn may offer a prayer at the beginning or end,”e  the welcome packet continues. “This will always be announced in advance, and if you’re not comfortable being present during that time, you are welcome to step out.”

In her May email to Moreland, Hamilton raised concerns about some of the “fear-based” practices that were introduced by Sand and some of the volunteers who came in from nearby churches, such as telling women they were possessed by demons or had a “spirit of murder” inside them because of past abortions. “I believe faith can be deeply healing,” Hamilton wrote, [b]ut content and delivery must be trauma-informed, survivor-safe, and non-coercive.”

Former shelter resident Lisa, who is Jewish, said The More We Love staff and some of the volunteers raised objections to the way she expressed her faith—seeming particularly offended, she said when she referred to God as “Hashem” and Jesus as “Yeshua,” both Hebrew terms.

The shelter, while not explicitly Christian, included voluntary Bible study groups as well as frequent visits by members from Citadel Church in Des Moines, where Sand is a pastor, and Eden Church in Newcastle. Citadel, according to its website, is an evangelical church that engages in niche practices such as the “laying on of hands.” Eden is a charismatic church whose members believes in spiritual healing, miracles, and deliverance, a practice that involves casting out “demons”—malign spirits they believe can occupy people who fail to repent their sins.

Past shelter residents said staff and some of the church volunteers frequently told women they were possessed by demons caused by past abortions, sex work itself, or other sins. Hamilton said the “demonology” freaked her out. “I’m a Christian—you know, I don’t mind doing little Bible studies with the girls,” she said. “But you’re telling these girls that if [they] had an abortion, they have a demonic spirit on them. You’re taking girls who’s been raped and brainwashed, and you’re telling them they have demons in them.”

Lisa said Sand and “two of the church women” repeatedly told her she would benefit from a deliverance. When she finally relented, she said, the pair coaxed her into an empty motel room and told her they thought she might be “possessed by some spirit or some demons” from which they could save her.

“I said, “Why would you think that?’ and they said, ‘You’re here, aren’t you?'” Lisa recalled. “‘You have to think about your life decisions. Even getting caught up with The More We Love means you weren’t making the best decisions.'” According to Lisa, the women circled up and laid their hands on her as they started to pray and speak in tongues. “And then they were like, ‘Demon, do you hear us? Speak your name. In the name of Jesus Christ, leave this woman.'”

Initially, Lisa thought “they were kidding—but no, they were totally serious. And then I got scared and started thinking, ‘Oh my gosh, what if I do have a demon inside of me? Maybe I do need this.” She even came up with a name for the made-up demon—Sydney.

Lisa had arrived at the shelter dependent on Xanax, and had experienced “back to back” seizures as she withdrew from the drug. She hadn’t had a seizure in several days, she said, but she let the women know that she could feel one coming on. Once she did, Lisa said, they left her alone. Not long afterward, she sent one of the staffers a “Merry Christmas” text. The staffer responded, she said, with a Youtube video about “prayers for demonic relief.”

Looking back, Lisa said she could tell the motel was “a really bad setup, but I was so desperate when I moved there. I was blindsided and I was so happy to have a roof over my head.”

“Ready to partner with you”

In her email, Moreland disputed many of the details we heard from people formerly associated with the Renton shelter. She said The More We Love’s programming  “includes daily access to wraparound services that support stabilization and long-term recovery,” and that The More We Love works closely with “medical and behavioral health providers, including support with attending doctor’s appointments, medication management, and connections to behavioral health and substance use disorder services.”

Additionally, she said, the program offers “life skills development, safety planning, housing navigation, and support in reconnecting with employment, education, and long-term stability.” But the evidence for these claims consists mostly of Moreland’s own statements and those of the shelter clients she brings with her to testify in front of elected officials in an effort to secure more funding—compelling individual stories that don’t include the kind of data other nonprofits provide about their program outcomes.

As for the women who say they left the program or were kicked out without receiving most, if any, of those services, Moreland said, “when a woman shares that something in her experience did not feel supportive or did not meet her needs, we take that seriously. We seek to understand why and use that feedback to continue strengthening and evolving our program. This work requires constant learning, adjustment, and care, and that is something we remain committed to.”

The More We Love’s contract with Burien ended around the same time Seattle’s contract began. But Moreland is still a presence in Burien City Council chambers: last month, the council invited Moreland to accept a proclamation recognizing April as Sexual Assault Awareness Month proclamation. More recently, the King County Regional Homelessness Authority directed King County funds to the organization; according to KCRHA spokeswoman Lisa Edge, The More We Love was the only provider that met all the guidelines for the money.

And Moreland is still pitching her services to local leaders.  Last month, Moreland testified at a King County Council meeting, telling the councilmembers that The More We Love offers “a continuum of care” through its “crisis recovery and healing center in Renton. … We are part of the solution, and we are ready to partner with you today and scale. Our center in Renton is ready to expand the doors, deepen our partnerships and serve more families.”

In Seattle, where The More We Love first began serving sex trafficking survivors thanks to former councilmember Moore’s unorthodox directive, the group is still on the city’s radar for funding; during a committee meeting in September, City Councilmembers Bob Kettle and Maritza Rivera both criticized HSD for—as Kettle put it—”zeroing out” the shelter contract at the end of last year,  Debora Juarez brought the group up more recently as an example of an effective program for sex trafficking survivors on Aurora.

“The More We Love … [is] great work,” Rivera said last year. “They’re not the only folks doing the work, but they are one of the folks, and therefore they should be able to continue to do this work.” Councilmember Rob Saka has also praised the group.

But some of the human service providers who gave The More We Love credit for their ability to respond and get people into shelter at any time of the day or night may not prove lasting allies. Both providers who praised The More We Love for responding quickly to crisis calls said they weren’t sure what happened to the people they refer to Moreland’s program after they entered. One of them later followed up with PubliCola to say the person they thought was a success story had actually been kicked out of the program for relapsing, although The More We Love did help her transfer to a different program that had capacity to take on someone struggling with addiction.

After walking off the job in December and getting fired soon after, Hamilton is finally moving on. She now has job with a traditional  nonprofit that provides housing and services to people leaving homelessness. She hasn’t spoken to Moreland since.

Sex Worker Advocates Demand Action from the City After Prosecutors’ Dehumanizing Presentation

 

Amber, from Green Light Project, and Emi Koyoma, from the Coalition for Rights & Safety for People in the Sex Trade, testify at City Council Tuesday.

By Erica C. Barnett

Advocates for sex workers, activated by a brutal, dehumanizing presentation the King County Prosecutor’s Office delivered to the city council’s public safety committee about sex trafficking, are demanding action from the city and county to rectify the harm done by past actions and statements about sex work and trafficking.

As PubliCola reported, the prosecutors, who were trying to drum up support for a proposed state law that would make it a felony to pay another person for sex. The presentation included identifiable photos of tortured, brutalized women; a lurid recitation of the objects an anonymous victim said had been inserted into her by force; misogynistic quotes about sex workers from an unidentified online forum; and graphic descriptions of rape and violence against women.

The prosecutors also claimed that every sex worker who opposed further criminalizing sex work had been a victim of childhood abuse, and was therefore speaking against their own true interests because of trauma.

In a letter to the council, which three advocates read aloud at Tuesday’s council meeting, a group of advocates for sex workers, survivors, and people in the sex trade made five demands:

• An acknowledgement from the city of the “selective and exploitative uses of survivor stories, voices, and images” by the committee and the prosecutor’s office.

• An examination of the city and county’s policies and trainings, if any, on “trauma-informed, and non-exploitative uses of survivor voices and stories.”

• An analysis by the city’s Office of Civil Rights on “existing and potential policy approaches to reducing violence and exploitation in the sex trade as well as a review of best practices for incorporating diverse voices of survivors, sex workers, and people in the sex trade while minimizing re-traumatization.”

• Strategies to include more perspectives from people with lived experience of sex work in future policy conversations, and to fund peer-led groups that provide services to survivors and sex workers without requiring that they collaborate with law enforcement

• A public safety committee meeting “dedicated to a presentation about human rights-based, noncarceral, pro-sex worker approach to empower survivors, sex workers, and people in the sex trade and combat violence, abuse, and exploitation within the sex trade.”

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The organization also provide a list of several quotes from council members during the presentation along with the derogatory messages they communicated. One was a comment from committee chair Bob Kettle aimed at people who criticize the city’s purely punitive response to the sex trade.

Kettle said that “so many women in our city,” as well as “the chattering classes,” are hypocrites because they criticize Jeffrey Epstein but don’t support carceral strategies like sending sex buyers to prison. “These people, the people come in here and yell at us because when we’re trying to go in after the men, but we’re the target. We as a city need to stop, take a deep breath, and think about that,” Kettle said.

On Monday, the Seattle Women’s Commission sent a letter to the city’s Office of Civil Rights with a list of their own requests, including a public statement from OCR Director Derrick Wheeler-Smith calling on the city to “honor and include diverse perspectives in all Civil Rights Work,” including work on behalf of sex workers, survivors, and people in the sex trade.

As we reported on Monday, the prosecutors’ presentation contributed to efforts in the state legislature to roll back the legislation the two county prosecutors were advocating for, removing the first-strike felony provision and incorporating more humanizing language into the proposal. The changes led supporters of the original bill to mutiny, calling the new version—which still increases paying for sex to a gross misdemeanor for the first two offenses, and a felony for the third—inadequate to deter people from paying for sex.

Bill Targeting Sex Buyers Would No Longer Result in Immediate Felony Charges

But an attempt to decriminalize sex work—another component of the “Nordic model”—failed.

By Erica C. Barnett

State legislation that would have made it a first-strike felony, rather than a misdemeanor, to pay another person for sex or “sexual contact” has gone through several revisions since late January, when King County prosecutors gave a lurid, exploitative presentation to the Seattle City Council in an effort to drum up support for the bill. Last week, the proposal passed out of a House committee on a contentious 5-4 vote; from there, it faces an uphill battle in its current form.

In its original iteration, the legislation—sponsored by Democrats Chris Stearns (D-47, Auburn) and Lauren Davis (D-32, North Seattle)—would have made it a Class C felony, punishable by up to five years in prison and a fine of up to $10,000, to pay another person for sex. The bill would have also changed the term “patronizing a prostitute” to “commercial sexual exploitation”—the same term used, incidentally, in Seattle’s anti-prostitution laws.

However, after blowback from the county prosecutors’ presentation drew new attention to the bill, the proposal underwent a transformation, including a proposal from Rep. Tarra Simmons (D-23, Bremerton) that would have decriminalized sex work statewide.

Simmons called decriminalization a necessary component of the so-called “Nordic model,” a widely adopted approach that criminalizes sex buyers in an attempt to eliminate demand.

“I was trafficked as a young girl,” Simmons said. “If you want to get to exploitation and get to trafficking and to solve the issue and to protect the victims, you have to do both—not just increase penalties, but allow the victims to be victims and not be criminalized.”

Decriminalization went a step too far for other House Democrats, but the version that passed out of the House Community Safety Committee last week does include some significant changes from the original proposal.

First, it raises the crime of patronizing a sex worker to a gross misdemeanor for the first two offenses, rather than a felony; the third time, it becomes a felony, as in the original version. The amended bill also replaces the phrase “commercial sexual exploitation” with the more neutral term “patronizing a person for prostitution.”

Under the bill, sex work would remain illegal, but sex workers would get two shots at “services”—which Simmons said might include job training, treatment, and counseling—before they’re prosecuted for prostitution, a misdemeanor.

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During last week’s committee meeting, Rep. Davis argued that by not raising the crime of paying for sex to a first-strike felony (that is, by increasing it from a misdemeanor to a gross misdemeanor for the first two offenses) will only result in more women being exploited and trafficked.

“These women are not entrepreneurs. The term ‘sex work’ implies volition,” Davis said.

“Representing North Aurora. I’ve learned some things,” Davis continued. “There’s a kind of pimp called a gorilla pimp. Gorilla pimps dominate their victims by force and violence. I know of a gorilla pimp who took razor blades to his victim’s back, and another who had his victim mauled by dogs.” In her district, which includes Shoreline, street sex work starts at the Seattle city line, she said, because “there’s no enforcement” of anti-prostitution laws in Seattle. (Other theories include a relative lack of cheap motels and significantly better street design north of 145th.)

Charging sex buyers with a gross misdemeanor, rather than a felony, would “also make it easier for pimps to recruit, because there’s no legal liability, there’s no downside,” Davis said. This is a confusing claim: Promoting prostitution—being a pimp—is a Class B felony, punishable by up to ten years in prison, which seems like a pretty big potential downside. Building a case against a trafficker or pimp is harder and more time-consuming than doing the kind of quick-hit sting operations favored by police departments, however.

Davis pointed out that there’s actually a third part of the Nordic model—ample, freely available services, including treatment and housing, none of which are funded through the amended bill. Simmons agreed that the state should fund more services for trafficking victims, and said she’d like to start with more funding for peer support—people with direct experience in the sex trade who can talk to people who are being exploited and “hold their hand and take them to safety” away from their traffickers and pimps.

“I’ve never seen problems solved through increasing penalties,” Simmons said. “I don’t think johns are going to stop and think, ‘This is gonna be two days in jail [versus] a month in jail.’ They’re not thinking about that.”

Rep. Brian Burnett (R-12, Wenatchee) said his own daughter was trafficked and “raped literally thousands of times over the course of eight or nine years.” As the only trafficking survivor on the panel, though, Simmons said she “felt invisible a lot of times.”

“I also felt like they were missing the point of helping the victims and survivors,” Simmons said. “They’re not going to accept help from law enforcement, because they’re going to run.”

This story originally misattributed Rep. Burnett’s comment to Rep. Stearns. We regret the error.

 

County Prosecutors Give Lurid Presentation on Sex Work Featuring Unredacted Images of Brutalized Women to Seattle Council Committee

The point of the prurient presentation: “You can’t make sex work safe,” one senior deputy prosecutor said.

By Erica C. Barnett

King County prosecutors gave an astonishingly graphic presentation about sex work and human trafficking to Seattle City Councilmember Bob Kettle’s public safety committee on Tuesday, showing unredacted images of brutalized women with bloodied and battered faces and bleeding bodies. (Content warning: Although I’ve redacted all identifiable images from the presentation as it appeared yesterday, the graphic language remains).

The carousel of images included a photo of a identifiable weeping, partly nude woman in a bathtub who, according to prosecutors, had been urinated on by her pimp after her he bashed in her eye.

Prosecutors accompanied the images with pornographic commentary copy-pasted from online review sites that dehumanized and belittled sex workers. Reading out loud from one of the slides displayed in council chambers, King County Senior Deputy Prosecutor Alexandra Voorhees intoned, “Find them, fuck them, forget them. … Stupid fucking whore. Spread your legs, and that’s it. That’s it. That’s all you’re worth. A cum dumpster.'”

Later in the presentation, Voorhees read a list of objects a victim of sex trafficking said men had inserted into her by force, and read quotes from women who described vomiting and bleeding from forcible sex acts. Sex work, Voorhees claimed, often leads to dangerous physical conditions such as “vaginal prolapse, anal prolapse… fecal incontinence, forced abortion.” The presentation continued in pornographic detail: “Girls in dog cages, girls being waterboarded… stunned with stun guns… burned and strangled.”

During public comment, Emi Koyama—a longtime advocate for sex workers and founder of Aileen’s, a peer-led community space for women working along the Pac Highway in South King County—said the prosecutors “selectively quote and weaponize survivor testimonies that are useful in ceding further power to the law enforcement, while neglecting how the law enforcement itself is also a source of violence in the lives of many women.”

“Policy making should not be adversarial, and efforts should be made together with those who are impacted by any given issue, whether they align with law enforcement or not,” Koyama said.

UPDATE: Kettle apologized for the presentation the day after the committee meeting. On Thursday, he told PubliCola he had “contacted the KCPAO late last week to express my own concern regarding the explicit nature and privacy implications of the presentation.  While I advocated for a different approach, the timing of the response, me seeing it, and the pending committee meeting led me to proceed with the KCPAO approach.

“The goal of my committee is to support survivors of sex trafficking – particularly minors and young adults – who are forced into these situations,” Kettle said. “We are careful to distinguish this work from those who choose sex work as a profession, and I appreciate you giving me the opportunity to clarify that.

The two prosecutors argued repeatedly that the public is misinformed about the inherently exploitative nature of all sex work—”this is not ‘Pretty Woman,'” Voorhees said—and said the graphic, exploitative images were necessary for people to understand that pimps and sex buyers need to be punished.

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After other council members, including Alexis Mercedes Rinck and Eddie Lin, expressed concerns about the lurid presentation, King County Prosecutor Leesa Manion sent a letter to the council saying that although “the goal of the presentation was to make clear to Council the violence that survivors experience at the hands of buyers and traffickers,” the prosecutor’s office will “do a better job of protecting victim’s [sic] privacy” in the future.”

The presentation has been removed from the committee agenda but is still available in the full agenda packet and viewable on the Seattle Channel recording of the meeting. UPDATE: As of noon on Jan. 28, he agenda packet has been removed as well.

Douglas Wagoner, the public affairs director for Manion’s office, stood by the intent of the presentation when he spoke with PubliCola on Tuesday evening. “The goal of the presentation was to make clear to City Councilmembers the violence that survivors experience in the hands of buyers and traffickers,” Wagoner said. “Their trauma is incredibly difficult to watch and learn about, but it’s also real and most people don’t know how bad the experiences are of the survivors who are going through it every day in King County.”

“Maybe in the future, we’d make a different choice in terms of the exact images and language in the presentation,” Wagoner added.

Whatever their intent, the images and words had the effect of re-brutalizing the women on the screen, who did not consent to be used as examples by prosecutors pushing further criminalization of sex work. Although the prosecutor’s office denied any political agenda, they noted during the presentation that they’re hoping to drum up support for state legislation that would elevate paying for sex, currently a misdemeanor, to a felony, punishable by a prison sentence of up to five years and a fine of up to $10,000.

The bill would take the question of whether to prosecute sex buyers out of the City Attorney’s Office, where progressive Erika Evans just took over from Republican Ann Davison, and put it into the county prosecutors’ hands. Sex trafficking is already a felony.

Kettle, along with his fellow committee members Maritza Rivera and Debora Juarez, used the presentation as an opportunity to express disbelief that people in Seattle, including advocates for sex workers and sex workers, have the gall to oppose the city’s recent crackdowns on sex buyers, including a law reinstating “SOAP” banishment zones and “john letters” sent to the homes of men identified as possible sex buyers through their license plates.

“There’s so many women in our city who make two points that really not should be made together— ‘Oh, Epstein, this, that whatever,’ but then… they decry the letters by SPD to those johns or potential johns,” Kettle said.

“These people come in here and yell at us when we’re trying to go after the men. … We as a city, need to stop, take a deep breath and think about that. When I read something online by the chattering classes in the city that talk about these pieces, they need to stop and look at themselves.”

Rivera, too, said she couldn’t understand why anyone would participate in “this whole movement of defunding things and ‘We’re not going about it the right way’—No.” The solutions—SOAP zones, “john letters,” and imprisoning sex buyers—”are so clear,” Rivera continued, and the fact “that people can’t see that you all really are helping victims is beyond me.”

Later, Voorhees yes-anded Rivera’s outrage that anyone would question the decisions the council has made in recent years to further criminalize sex work. “You were asking some questions about people who are who are opposed or somehow think that this is consensual, so it’s okay,” Voorhees said. “The problem is, you can’t make sex work safe. It is inherently dangerous. It is inherently a power imbalance.”

The idea that sex work is inherently so dangerous that it must be abolished is far from a consensus view in Seattle or the United States. Juries don’t tend to buy the notion that men who pay for sex are inherently abusive or dangerous, which is one reason they rarely go to trial—it’s harder for prosecutors to sustain a prurient image of monster predators when faced with a real man (in Seattle, typically an immigrant) who got caught trying to pay for sex.

While no one would express sympathy or support for men who beat, rape, or kidnap and traffic women, those crimes are separate from patronizing a sex worker (formally “commercial sexual exploitation” in Seattle law), and can be prosecuted on their own. Treating all men who pay for sex as monolithically evil does not stand up to reality as sex workers themselves describe it. No sex workers were invited to attend the presentation, which allowed prosecutors to paint them as childlike, helpless victims with no agency in their own lives.

Also, the approaches the two prosecutors described as “innovative” — increased penalties, “john letters,” and banishment zones—aren’t new, don’t work, and can put women at risk.

Near the end of Tuesday’s meeting, Saka asked the prosecutors what warning signs parents should watch out for to make sure their daughters aren’t being recruited by pimps..

“When I was a kid, it used to be called ‘fast’— don’t be a ‘fast little girl,’ ‘she’s a fast girl,’ whatever,” deputy prosecutor Braelah McGinnis said. “Kids who come home and have unaccounted-for money. They have their nails done all of a sudden, and things like that. And so, you know, those can be red flags of, like, ‘Well, who took you to get your nails done?’ …We also find kids, lots of times, may have a second phone, and it’s because it’s used to communicate with their pimp or their trafficker. Those are some of my tips.”

I called Kettle to find out why he approved the prurient presentation and whether he would invite advocates and sex workers who disagree with the prosecutor’s approach to present their own views and experiences in his committee. I hadn’t heard back by press time, but will update this post if I do.