City Council, Mayor Harrell, Police

Police Contract Gives Big Raises to Officers, Still Fails to Meet Baseline Set in 2017 Accountability Law

By Andrew Engelson

On Tuesday afternoon, a little more than two weeks after Mayor Bruce Harrell’s office publicly announced a new three-year retroactive contract with the Seattle Police Officers Guild, the Seattle City Council ratified the agreement 8 to 1, with councilmember Tammy Morales casting the lone dissenting vote. Almost immediately after the vote, Harrell signed the contract, calling it a needed step to advance “our vision for a city where everyone, in every neighborhood, is safe and feels secure.”

Morales, in an amendment that failed, moved to delay the Tuesday vote, noting that the contract was fast-tracked directly to the full council without any public hearings and after just twenty minutes of public comment—nearly all of it in opposition.

 “The community deserves a chance to make their voice heard before we vote on it. We shouldn’t be rushing this,” Morales said.

Before the vote, Morales noted that the new contract offers almost no changes to accountability measures for police officers. “I believe this contract as bargained does not protect the city and the lack of accountability measures puts us in continued violation of the federal consent decree,” she said, referring to the 2012 federal agreement between SPD and the US Department of Justice.

In 2023, US District Judge James Robart modified the consent decree to lift most restrictions on SPD, but on the condition that the department make additional reforms to its accountability and crowd control.

Speaking in defense of the new contract, Council President Sara Nelson said, “We have to attack our staffing crisis from both retention and recruitment and hiring angles, and this is an important piece of legislation to accomplish both of those goals – because it will also help attract new officers to the force and facilitate our recruitment efforts as well.”

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The contract, which PubliCola acquired and published in early April, retroactively gives police officers a 24 percent raise – broken down to 1.3 percent in 2021, 6.4 percent in 2022, and 15.3 percent in 2023. The raises will boost SPD’s starting pay, before overtime, to $103,000, making Seattle officers the highest-paid in the region.

According to an economic briefing before the vote by Ben Noble, director of the city’s Office of Economic and Revenue Forecasts, the contract adds $39 million annually to the existing annual SPD salary budget of $170 million. In sum, the retroactive cost over three years totals $57 million, and adds $9.2 million to the city’s existing budget deficit, because the city didn’t put enough in reserve to account for the total cost of the raises.

Councilmember Bob Kettle, chair of the Public Safety committee, said before the vote, “Yes, it is expensive. Yes, it is a challenge for our budget. But if we don’t compete in this labor market, we won’t accomplish our goal of achieving a safe base in our city.” T

After signing the bill, Harrell said the agreement “will make meaningful improvements to officer pay and staffing, to accountability so misconduct is investigated, and to new efficiencies through diversified response options.”

However, critics point out that the contract offers only minor changes to accountability for police officers. It allows a 60-day extension of Office of Police Accountability’s (OPA) 180-day deadline for completing investigations into the most serious misconduct; tells arbitrators tasked with reviewing officer firings to “give deference” to the police chief’s decisions; adds just two more civilian investigators at OPA, bringing the total to four; and increases the amount of time OPA has to inform an officer of an investigation from five days to 30. Continue reading “Police Contract Gives Big Raises to Officers, Still Fails to Meet Baseline Set in 2017 Accountability Law” →

Housekeeping

PubliCola is On Vacation

PubliCola is on vacation for the next two weeks; we’ll be (mostly) taking a break from posting, too (although look for a post on the SPOG contract from Andrew Engelson tomorrow). See you when we’re back!

homelessness, human services, LGBTQ+, Mayor Harrell

KCRHA Updates: Chief Financial Officer Fired, Board Approves Budget that Will Shut Down Shelters, CEO Comments on “The LGBTQ Stuff,” and—Believe it or Not—More
KCRHA headquarters in Pioneer Square, Seattle

By Erica C. Barnett

Darrell Powell, the interim director of the King County Regional Homelessness Authority, abruptly fired the KCRHA’s interim Chief Financial Officer James Rouse last week, according to sources familiar with the decision. Rouse had the job for just six months; he replaced another interim CFO, Bill Reichert, who was also at the agency for less than six months. KCRHA confirmed that Rouse is no longer working for the agency but would not provide additional details, and PubliCola was unable to reach Rouse on Friday.

Sources familiar with the situation said Rouse and Powell had recently clashed over whether to pay the Low-Income Housing Institute $1 million from the tiny house village provider’s 2023 contract.

The money was still unpaid at the beginning of 2024 because of a contract stipulation that prevents KCRHA contractors from moving more than 10 percent of their budget for any project from one expense type to another—for example, from staff salaries to utilities. Because the details of large contracts tend to change over the course of a year (a site gets more expensive, or monthly utility costs go up), providers may end up paying for unanticipated expenses out of pocket and seeking reimbursement at the end of the year through an annual reconciliation process.

Because the KCRHA moved to a new system for filing reconciliation forms last year, LIHI asked KCRHA staff for assistance starting late last year, but reportedly never heard back; by the time LIHI asked the city of Seattle to intervene, the KCRHA had already sent the money back to the city, which provided the funding in the first place. Eventually, a high-level city staffer intervened and LIHI got paid in late April. It’s unclear whether Powell or Rouse decided not to just reimburse LIHI the $1 million in the first place, but Rouse was the one who paid for the decision.

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The city of Seattle has made no secret about its lack of confidence in the KCRHA, and often treats the homelessness authority as department of the city. In February, the city took back responsibility for homelessness outreach and prevention, which had been the KCRHA’s purview, saying the agency “did not have capacity to fulfill the outreach, coordination, and referral roles” that it took on in 2021.

The city also ordered the KCRHA to cut its budget for next year, and—unlike in the past—the agency quickly fell into line. In an April memo, the city “instructed” the agency to reduce its budget to reflect a 1 percent cut in city funding, and to “not propose any other funding increase unless it is offset by reductions or is revenue-backed.”

The resulting 2025 homelessness budget will cut as many as 300 shelter beds and eliminate rapid rehousing funds that are currently keeping 265 families from becoming homeless. The budget will likely require the closure of Benu Community Home, a low-barrier shelter serving Black men in the Central District that has been funded with federal COVID emergency dollars, as well as cuts to tiny house villages.

The new budget, at $230 million, is $39 million lighter than the “stabilization plan” KCRHA staff proposed in March, which would have preserved existing services and provided an across-the-board inflationary wage adjustment for homeless service providers.

In a letter to the implementation board, the Seattle/King County Coalition on Homelessness urged the board to, at a minimum, adopt the March version of the budget. “The KCRHA, as the organization charged with leading a regional homelessness response, should not simply maintain an insufficient system during an emergency,” the letter, which was also signed by representatives from the King County Alliance for Human Services and the Seattle Human Services Coalition, said.

Advocacy groups were conspicuously absent from the KCRHA implementation board meeting last week, where the board adopted a resolution endorsing the shelter-slashing budget, because the authority moved the meeting back one hour without sending out a public notice. Advocates expressed dismay at missing their last chance to comment before the board approved a resolution supporting the budget, which includes language asking the KCRHA’s funders (primarily the city and county) to “explore all potential scenarios to reconsider” the cuts.

The KCRHA does not send out email notices to let the public know when meetings are happening or when they’re rescheduled, which means that even people who attend the agency’s regularly scheduled meetings have no way of knowing about changes unless they check in regularly on the meeting agenda on the KCRHA’s website, which is buried in a fifth-level sub-page with no information on any previous page to indicate whether anything has changed.

PubliCola put the meeting on our calendar for the regular time of 2pm. By the time we logged on, the board had gone into executive session to interview candidates for the job of permanent KCRHA CEO, which has been filled by interim directors since the last permanent CEO, Marc Dones, left almost exactly one year ago.

One of those candidates, interim director Powell, reportedly made off-color comments about the LGBTQ+ community during a recent job interview for the permanent position.

Powell, a longtime friend of Seattle Mayor Bruce Harrell and the mayor’s pick for the interim role, was responding to a question about equity when he reportedly volunteered that he didn’t like the KCRHA’s gender-neutral restrooms and, in general, didn’t get the “LGBTQ stuff.” Former director Dones, who is nonbinary, emphasized gender inclusiveness at the authority, directing staff to introduce themselves with their pronouns and implementing the switch to gender-neutral restrooms.

KCRHA would not confirm Powell’s comments. When PubliCola approached Powell directly at an event on Monday, he declined to speak with us.

 

Uncategorized

This Week on PubliCola
Seattle Fire Chief Harold Scoggins talks about the city’s overdose response at DESC’s announcement last week.

A roundup of this week’s news.

Monday, May 6

The Backlash to Harrell’s Comp Plan Proves We’re All YIMBYs Now

Mayor Bruce Harrell’s proposed One Seattle Comprehensive Plan has been widely panned for not allowing enough housing across the city—and not just by the usual suspects, like PubliCola. State legislators who supported a bill to require all cities to allow housing, including apartments, in more places say Harrell’s plan falls short of their intent. This represents a complete turnaround from just a few years ago, Josh Feit writes—a promising sign that there’s still time to fix the mayor’s plan for housing stagnation.

Tuesday, May 7

Burien Proposes Transitional Housing Ban that May Violate State Law

The Burien City Council is considering legislation that would ban “transitional housing,” including tiny house villages, within 500 feet of parks, schools, libraries, child care centers, and recreational facilities—effectively banning it in most of the city, including the Seattle City Light property where a tiny house village is currently planned. The bill may violate a state law that bars cities from making it impossible to build housing and shelter. The same day the council considered the ban, Burien Police Chief Ted Boe, who’s under fire from city officials, explained w ghy he isn’t arresting people for being homeless.

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Wednesday, May 8

Shakeup on Team Harrell: Budget Director Out, City Attorney’s Former Criminal Chief In

Mayor Bruce Harrell’s budget chair, Julie Dingley, resigned (or was asked to leave) last week just as the mayor and council gear up to address a budget deficit that could climb above $250 million, once unanticipated costs from 24 percent wage increases for police officers go into effect. Dan Eder, Harrell’s policy director, will take over Dingley’s position for now, part of an office overhaul that also includes the appointment of Natalie Walton-Anderson, City Attorney Ann Davison’s former criminal division director, as the mayor’s public safety director.

State Legislator Told Seattle to Get Serious About Density Before Seeking Funds for Fort Lawton Housing Project

In an email sent immediately after Harrell announced his scaled-back comprehensive plan proposal, State Rep. Julia Reed (D-36, Seattle) wrote a letter to Harrell and the Office of Planning and Community Development expressing her disappointment that the plan fails to “maximize housing growth.” Without a bold plan for density, Reed wrote, it will be hard for Seattle legislators to advocate convincingly for funds to build housing at Fort Lawton, a long-delayed project that will require state funding to get underway.

Continue reading “This Week on PubliCola” →

Addiction, Drugs, homelessness, Mayor Harrell

Downtown Recovery Center Will Give Drug Users New Options After an Overdose

By Erica C. Barnett

The Downtown Emergency Service Center will open Seattle’s first post-overdose recovery center at its headquarters at the historica Morrison Hotel building in Pioneer Square next year. The Overdose Response and Care Access (ORCA) Center, part of a larger new behavioral health clinic, will be a dedicated space for drug users to stabilize, rest, and access voluntary treatment, including long-acting medication, after experiencing a nonfatal overdose.

Currently, when emergency workers revive someone experiencing an overdose in downtown Seattle, their options are basically: Transport the person to Harborview Medical Center or let them go. Those who walk away from an overdose typically seek out more drugs to counteract the effect of overdose reversal drugs like Narcan, which can send users into a state of painful, intense withdrawal.

The ORCA Center offers a third option for emergency workers to take people immediately after an overdose—”breaking the cycle of repeated overdoses” as Mayor Bruce Harrell put it Thursday, “by stopping painful withdrawal symptoms [so] people [can] find a pathway to recovery and support.” Admission to the ORCA Center will be voluntary, as going to the hospital after an overdose is today.

Thursday’s announcement took place in the second-floor area that will house the recovery center, which looks out on Third Avenue through large, semicircular windows. For decades, this floor housed a large, crowded shelter, along with day rooms and a clinic (and, at one time, an enclosed indoor smoking area). Today, the space is a hollowed-out construction zone, with two rows of metal lockers the only visual reminder of the building’s former purpose. Rooms that once held dozens of metal bunk beds are stripped to the studs, with cords hanging from the ceiling, and the floors have been stripped to their bare plywood bases.

PubliCola first reported on DESC’s plans last summer, after Harrell announced he would use $7 million in unspent federal funds to “provide care and treatment services for substance use disorders” in Seattle. DESC will receive $5.65 million of that total to help build out the new $12 million facility, which will also be funded through state and county grants and private donations. The remaining $1.35 million will go to Evergreen Treatment Services, which is building out a new campus on Airport Way.

Recent floods forced ETS to reimagine the facility, which will now include a “fire station-style” building to house its mobile units, which provide methadone treatment to hundreds of clients in downtown Seattle. ETS will also receive another $1 million from the city to add another unit to its mobile-clinic fleet, which ETS director Steve Woolworth described as another important part of the continuum of care for people with opioid use disorder.

Methadone is a highly effective treatment, but federal law requires patients to travel to a physical clinic to get doses until they “earn” take-home doses—a hurdle to recovery that’s even more daunting for people who lack a stable place to live. “Expecting folks who are living unsheltered… to come to a fixed location can’t be the only strategy we’re investing in to address community health,” Woolworth said. “And so what you’ll see from us will be a much more adaptive, flexible and mobile approach to taking medication out to where people are.”

The new recovery center won’t be a shelter, although it will have places for people to sleep. Legislation that established new licenses for 23-hour crisis clinics in 2023 stipulated that these clinics are supposed to offer “recliner chairs,” rather than beds, which is one way these clinics are distinct from hospitals or shelters. But, Malone noted, “true stability” will require places for people to live on a more permanent basis. Continue reading “Downtown Recovery Center Will Give Drug Users New Options After an Overdose” →

City Council, Economy, labor

City Council Bill Cutting “Gig” Delivery Workers’ Pay Moves Forward
Micaela Romero from Washington Community Action Network, joined by her son, testifies against legislation that will reduce delivery driver wages.

By Erica C. Barnett

The Seattle City Council’s governance and economic development committee approved a bill sponsored by Council President Sara Nelson that will lower the minimum wage for so-called “gig” delivery workers on Thursday, with Joy Hollingsworth abstaining because, as she put it, “I still want this bill to be baked more.”

The 4-1 vote came after hours of testimony from delivery drivers who were overwhelmingly opposed to the legislation and have shown up at public comment periods for weeks on end to ask the council not to cut their wages. After last year’s city council, including Nelson, voted for the “PayUp” bill that required gig companies to cover more of workers’ costs, wages went up to an average of around $26 an hour. In response, the gig companies—Uber, Doordash, Instacart, and others— imposed a flat $5 fee on every order, causing demand for delivery service to plummet.

A handful of drivers, mostly representing the Uber-funded lobbying group Drive Forward, said the changes would enable the companies to drop the fees.

Several council members patted themselves on the back for listening to “all sides” of the issue before voting to approve a bill that satisfied almost all of the delivery companies’ demands.

Nelson, for example, spent several minutes reading the February testimony of bike delivery worker Heather Nielson, who said the fees had caused customers to “boycott the apps” and stop providing tips, into the record. Nielson, later featured on the conservative website The Center Square, said tips make up 90 percent or more of drivers’ wages—a claim that many other drivers contradicted in their testimony.

Nelson seemed eager to ignore those workers’ comments, referring to them dismissively as “all this noise we’ve been hearing.”

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Her legislation, she said, “is an effort to reverse the bad outcomes caused by a flawed law” that resulted in a “drastic reduction in worker wages and lost revenues for restaurants and other retail establishments. That’s what happened. That was the chain of events. And all of this was anticipated but the last council did it anyway. And now we’re faced with the fallout.”

Councilmember Maritza Rivera recalled a time when, “as a young woman, I worked as a server in a fast food restaurant where I made the legal minimum wage and relied on tips to pay rent, utilities and groceries.” In most states, restaurants can pay sub-minimum wages for tipped workers on the justification that workers make plenty of money from customers’ tips, and companies like Doordash and Instacart adopted the practice in states where it’s still legal until a series of lawsuits forced them to alter their policies. Washington state does not allow a “tip credit.”

The legislation notably,, does not require companies to stop paying the $5 fee; nor does it impose any new restrictions on the companies’ power over their workers, such as their ability to “deactivate” (fire) workers for any reason, including wanting to set their own work hours.

Instead, the bill reduces workers’ pay and takes away some of the rights they currently have. First, the bill lowers the amount companies must pay their drivers for expenses, such as self-employment (employer) taxes and workers’ compensation, that the drivers wouldn’t have to pay if they were classified as employees. Continue reading “City Council Bill Cutting “Gig” Delivery Workers’ Pay Moves Forward” →