Barnes’ New Hires Top $1 Million, SPD Will Pay $30,000 for Training on “Stratified Policing”

1. New police chief Shon Barnes brought on five new SPD staffers last month, including a second deputy chief, Andre Sayles; a new assistant chief, Nicole Powell; and three new executive-level staff—Chief of Staff Alex Ricketts, Executive Director of Crime and Community Harm Reduction Eleazer Hunt, and Chief Communications Officer Barbara DeLollis.

Most of these roles, including the second deputy chief, the executive director of crime and harm reduction, and the chief communications officer, are new; the chief of staff role was revived by former chief Adrian Diaz when he hired Jamie Tompkins into the position, but before that, the most recent SPD chief of staff was Clark Kimerer, who left the job in 2001. All five are direct appointments, meaning they did not involve an open hiring process, and none of the new hires are replacing people who currently hold jobs at SPD.

All those new top-level positions won’t come cheap.

DeLollis, most recently the head of communications for the

Hunt, previously a strategic planning and analysis administrator at the Greenville, South Carolina Police Department, will make $302,016.

Powell, previously the lieutenant commander over the New Orleans Police Department’s Recruitment and Applicant Investigation Section, will earn $294,757, assuming her salary is the same as that of all four of the current assistant chiefs.

And Sayles, currently the police chief in Beloit, WI, a town of about 36,000 about 50 miles south of Madison, will most likely have a salary on par with the city’s current deputy chief, Yvonne Underwood, who makes $302,016, the same as Hunt.

Ricketts’ salary is not publicly available yet, but the other non-administrative members of SPD command staff make between $260,770 and $294,757, so his pay will likely be in that range. Ricketts was previously a community engagement specialist working for Barnes in Madison.

Barnes was previously police chief in Madison, Wisconsin; deputy chief in Salisbury, North Carolina; and a captain at the Greensboro, NC police department. His salary is $360,485 a year.

All told, the salaries of Barnes’ five new hires add up to at least $1.38 million, and that’s not counting the cost of benefits, such as health care and retirement, and moving costs, since all are coming to Seattle from other cities.

The city is facing a $150 million budget deficit, and most departments are under a hiring freeze; even SPD, which has been on a spending spree, has been asked to temporarily freeze spending on consultant contracts and civilian hires.

Mayor Bruce Harrell has asked executive departments have been asked to shoot for a 5 percent underspend this year, directed all non-public safety departments (except for “homelessness,” a broad category that cuts across multiple departments) to come up with 8 percent cuts going into the upcoming city budget cycle. Even the police weren’t spared entirely from the budget-cutting exercise (which is theoretical until the mayor proposes the budget); they’ve been asked to come up with 2 percent in potential cuts.

2. Speaking of expenses, SPD spent more than $5,000 on drinks, snacks, and lunch for the officers who worked at the anti-trans “Mayday Seattle” event in Cal Anderson Park, PubliCola has learned. That’s the rally where police arrested 23 counterprotesters after pepper-spraying the crowd en masse and Mayor Bruce Harrell blamed “anarchist” infiltrators for “prompting SPD to make arrests.”

SPD would go on to provide security for the same group when they held another rally and concert, for which they did not have a required permit for amplified sound. Police closed down Fourth Avenue and other major bus corridors during rush hour and set up barricades to prevent counterprotesters from accessing the event, which was in held in the public plaza outside City Hall.

Barnes also got approval for a $30,000 department-wide training in “stratified policing,” a concept he implemented in Madison. As far as I can tell, the idea is that police should “stratify” different types of “problems,” such as immediate, short-term, and long-term issues, and apply different strategies to each type of problem. This four-pager from the Madison Police Department goes into more details about the approach, which appears to involve a very large number of meetings.

Cathy Moore’s Opinions on Growth and Housing Aren’t New. What’s New is That Most Voters Disagree With Them.

By Erica C. Barnett

On Wednesday, City Councilmember Cathy Moore lashed out at members of the public who she said attacked her personally over her support for legislation (which Ryan Packer covered in detail at the Urbanist) that would have required Sound Transit to create bespoke Community Outreach Plans for every light rail-related project that requires the city to approve a master use permit, about 60 projects in all. The original proposal, sponsored by Maritza Rivera, would have added more process, delay, and cost to the already delayed, over-budget light rail expansion to Ballard and West Seattle.

Moore—whose comments I quoted at length in yesterday’s post about the latest episode of the Seattle Nice podcast, and which you can view above—said people were directing “hate” and “personal attacks” at her over the legislation. She spoke at length about her long record of public service, suggesting that her critics were unfairly maligning someone who has “dedicated 30-plus years to improving the lives of people who don’t have a voice and have chosen to put myself out here,for all this love that I get every day.” Prior to her 2023 election, Moore served in many different judicial roles, including five years as a King County Superior Court judge.

It’s true that Moore didn’t get much love from the public for supporting proposals that would slow down or prevent housing from being built, and that hundreds of people mobilized to write emails to Moore and other councilmembers urging them to vote against the amendment.

Ultimately, the legislation—a bill from the mayor’s office that was actually supposed to speed up permitting for light rail-related projects in the city—moved out of the council’s land use committee without the red-tape amendment—not because the public was mean to council members, but because it didn’t have majority support. Instead, the committee considered and passed an unpublished walk-on amendment from Rivera that requires Sound Transit to produce a report about its public outreach for each project that requires a permit.

One thing that was striking about Moore’s comments yesterday, and comments she’s made about other hot topics like tree preservation requirements and proposals to allow more apartments in her district, is that she isn’t proposing anything new. Rather, she’s calling for a return to policies that the council and mayor generally supported 20 years ago. But those policies are no longer in step with the majority in Seattle, which is why most of them have failed to pass. This is how democracy is supposed to work. The fact that people are calling Moore a NIMBY—for “not in my backyard”—reflects dramatic changes in public opinion about housing in recent decades. NIMBY isn’t a slur—it’s a description.

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Having covered City Hall in the old NIMBY days—back when councilmembers openly used terms like “protecting neighborhood character” and neighborhood activists denigrated renters as “transients” who had no right to comment on land use or housing—I can tell you that pro-housing advocates used to be pariahs at city hall. (Hell, I remember being called a “clueless little twit” by a West Seattle homeowner because I argued that renters deserved a voice at City Hall). The very idea that we should allow duplexes, much less apartments, in single-family areas would get you shouted down by homeowners furious that renters thought they had any right to encroach on the sanctified character of “their” neighborhoods. Think of the shadows those huge new three-story buildings would cast on their tomato plants!

Things have changed; public opinion in Seattle has shifted. The views of people who bought their houses for five-figure sums in the ’60s and ’70s are no longer massively overrepresented on the city council. Even as a body made up overwhelmingly of homeowners (the job pays well enough that renters who join the council can usually buy at least a condo, and do), the council now represents renters’ perspectives better than it ever has in the past, and that trend is unlikely to reverse.

Bottom line: We’re a bigger city now than we were in the old “lesser Seattle” days, and the people who live here—Moore’s constituents—generally want to do away with “not in my backyard” policies, including red tape and design review requirements that slow down and prevent housing and transit. Moore wouldn’t have gotten much pushback for her views if she’d been on the council in 2001, but in 2025, she represents a minority perspective, and she’s facing inevitable criticism for policy proposals that are broadly unpopular.

I empathize with the pain Moore is clearly feeling as the result of public opposition; being attacked and called names is unpleasant and can be very upsetting. But the fact is, calling someone a NIMBY isn’t an expression of “hate.” It’s just a description of a once-dominant perspective that most of the Seattle public no longer holds.

Seattle Nice: The Seattle City Council Is Un-Cathy Moored

 

By Erica C. Barnett

This week on the Seattle Nice podcast, we talked about the big city news of the week: City Councilmember Cathy Moore’s announcement that she’ll resign from the council on July 7, just over 18 months into her four-year term.

Moore said she’s resigning over health and “personal” reasons. Among those personal reasons, quite clearly, is that she quite visibly (and sometimes dramatically) dislikes the part of her job that involves hearing negative feedback from the public. Going back to the very beginning of her brief term, Moore has taken political criticism personally. In February 2024, she demanded that protesters seeking financial support for homeless refugees—who had already been locked out of council chambers—be arrested en masse “threatening” her by chanting and pounding on the wall of council chambers. That was just an early taste of how she would react to criticism for the next year and a half.

While the public can be impolite and annoying, listening to what they have to say (and brushing off personal insults and attacks) is part of the job of representing the public. Seattle residents are extremely engaged in local politics, which is a good thing. Public feedback is how elected officials konw what the public thinks of what their representatives are doing; when elected officials hear overwhelming feedback that, for example, no one likes their proposal to change the council’s ethics rules to allow conflicts of interest, they should listen, not shut down council meetings and threaten arrests.

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Moore’s instinct to accuse the public of “hate” and abuse shows what a poor temperamental fit she is to represent a city council district in Seattle. It’s fine to think being a city council member is a crappy job—in many ways, it is—but perhaps Moore should have watched more council meetings before signing up to run. Given that the most recent spate of meeting disruptions came from a group led by former council member Kshama Sawant, I’d have advised her to watch some of the meetings where Sawant brought hundreds of people to yell and protest, which were far rowdier than this year’s meetings, where she’s rarely mustered more than a couple dozen supporters. That was under the previous council, whose “divisive” nature most of the new council members promised to fix when they were elected in 2023.

Big picture, as Sandeep and I discuss on this week’s podcast, this city council (which includes an unprecedented six members in their first terms, and a seventh who was appointed, not elected) is acting as if it had a mandate from the voters to enact their campaign agendas. In reality, most of them defeated more progressive opponents by small margins in a low-turnout election year, and their constituents include vast numbers of people who didn’t vote for them and don’t like what they’re trying to do. Dealing with that fact requires some humility and a willingness to engage with people you don’t agree with.

Instead, Moore (and others elected in the 2023 anti-progressive backlash) have chosen to lash out at their constituents, blaming the public for being too mean or disruptive and conflating mild criticism with “hate” and abuse. Just this week, on Wednesday, Moore got emotional on the dais over the fact that some people have called her a NIMBY—an acronym that means Not In My Backyard, and aptly applies to politicians who put barriers in the way of development, which Moore has consistently tried to do.

The legislation she was supporting would have added more process to the construction of Sound Transit light rail facilities in Seattle requiring even more “community feedback” on the already-delayed light rail extension from Ballard to West Seattle. Moore, who represents north Seattle, said it was “classist” and offensive to suggest that she and Maritza Rivera, who represents northeast Seattle, wanted to apply different standards to light rail in these neighborhoods than were applied in their districts, which already have light rail.

“This is not about NIMBYism, and it’s going to be spun that way,” Moore said. She continued:

And just the public comments that came were, you know, personal attacks, the ‘Moore-Rivera double punch’ kind of nonsense, personal attacks. It’s just more hate because people don’t agree with the particular positions that we’re taking, in this attempt to make it sound like we don’t give a flying F about anybody that [we] disagree with. It’s nonsense and it’s insulting. I’ve spent my entire life in public service. I started as a public defender. I ate peanut butter sandwiches because I didn’t make enough money. I lived with three other people as a professional. I have spent my entire life working to better others and this, I’m just cannot begin to tell you how tired I am of this narrative.

“Feel free to come and talk to me about how I’ve dedicated 30-plus years to public service and improving the lives of people who don’t have a voice and have chosen to put myself out here, for all this love that I get every day,” she concluded.

While Moore’s comments were about pushback on a light-rail process amendment, I think they summed up her frustration with being on the council in general. As a former judge, Moore came onto the council unaccustomed to taking criticism in person, including harshly worded critiques from a public she couldn’t gavel down. Future council candidates should consider whether they really want every part of the job before seeking to represent the unmanageable public.

New Records Shed Light On Investigation that Led to Former Police Chief Diaz’ Ouster

 

The inside of the infamous Ewok card. Investigators say it is “highly probable” that the card was written to Adrian Diaz by Jamie Tompkins.

By Erica C. Barnett

Newly released records from the investigation into former police chief Adrian Diaz and his former chief of staff, Jamie Tompkins, shed new light on efforts by Tompkins and Diaz to discredit SPD staffers who believed Diaz had hired, and created a new position, for Tompkins because they were having an affair. They also show that Diaz’ security staff, who reported directly to Tompkins, were afraid of speaking out about the alleged affair because they believed they would be fired or criminally investigated if they talked.

The records, which PubliCola received in response to a public disclosure request, include transcripts of interviews with Tompkins, Diaz, and three members of Diaz’ security detail, along with a copy of a love letter written on an Ewok birthday card that investigators determined Tompkins wrote, based on an expert analysis of her handwriting.

Outside investigators determined last year that both Tompkins and Diaz had lied to investigators about their relationship, and that Tompkins had falsified evidence in the investigation by disguising her handwriting in an effort to prove that she didn’t write a love note to Diaz.

The investigation, by attorney Shayda Le from Barran Liebman LLP, was limited to “fact-finding” and came out after Tompkins resigned; she has since filed a $3 million claim against the city, alleging she was sexually harassed over the rumors about her and Diaz. Mayor Bruce Harrell demoted Diaz last May and fired him in December.

A comparison of the handwriting in the “Ewok” letter to Diaz and a sample of Tompkins’ writing from another document.

“It Scared the Crap Out of Me”

One of Diaz’ security officers, Andre Sinn, found a (since much-discussed) apparent love note, written on an Ewok-themed birthday card, in the Toyota Highlander Diaz had been driving while waiting for a new Chevy Tahoe he had ordered to arrive. Sinn brought the card along to his interview and handed it over to investigators, saying he had held on to it for more than a year because he and the other members of Diaz’ detail didn’t know what to do with it and who they could trust. “To be honest, it scared the crap out of me,” Sinn said.

Tay Gray-McVey, another member of Diaz’ security team, said the team discuss “different ways to turn it in without getting in trouble for not turning it sooner.” He assumed Diaz would fire them for telling anyone about the card; during the interview, a union representative, Matt Newsome, noted that Diaz kept a box in office that contained the badges of officers he’d fired, as if to say, “this is what could happen to you,” Newsome said.

The handwriting analysis compared the writing on the card to two separate samples Tompkins submitted to investigators—one impromptu sample, a standard handwriting analysis worksheet, that Tompkins provided at the end of her interview, and another she submitted about two weeks later. The final sample looked noticeably different than other examples of Tompkins’ writing, and caused the certified handwriting analyst to conclude that Tompkins had purposely disguised her handwriting so that investigators would be unable to conclude she’d written the card.

The handwriting expert, a certified document examiner, concluded that Tompkins wrote the love note and that her final writing sample “showed evidence of disguise.”

Tompkins and Diaz have denied the allegations, and Diaz hired his own handwriting expert who he claimed had discredited the outside investigator’s finding that Tompkins most likely wrote the love letter and later attempted to disguise her handwriting.

Side-by-side comparison of pages from Jamie Tompkins’ handwriting submissions on August 30 and September 11.

Special Treatment?

Many of the people interviewed during the investigation, including Sinn, said they didn’t really care one way or another if Diaz and Tompkins were having an affair—that was between them. “But when you hire a person into that role and you … bring them into our department, that, to me, is a huge problem, and then without divulging their relationship,” Sinn told investigators.

Specifically, Diaz was accused of creating a new position—Chief of Staff—for Tompkins, then promoting her to his command staff and putting her in charge of Clancy as well as Diaz’ own security detail. Then, SPD staffers claimed, he proceeded to give Tompkins special treatment, allowing her to work from home at a time when most people were expected to be in the office and spending large amounts of the work day “socializing,” as Sinn put it, instead of actually doing work.

“I don’t think anyone really knows what her job is honestly,” said Gray-McVey, who was interviewed when Tompkins still worked for SPD. “For a good portion, up until we got Chief [Sue] Rahr, we didn’t see her much in the office. Maybe one or two days for a couple hours.”

Tompkins said in her interview that Diaz hired her for her expertise in journalism, attention to detail, and willingness to tell him the truth while others on his staff were content to be “yes men” telling him what he wanted to hear. “I’m a perfectionist and it needs to be executed in just the right way,” he said.

Both Diaz and Tompkins claimed that the SPD chief had a chief of staff before Tompkins. For example, they said that Chris Fisher—SPD’s chief data analyst, whose title was Director of Strategic Initiatives—was Diaz’ previous chief of staff, even though he had a different title and responsibilities. “This isn’t a new fancy position and it’s not special,” Tompkins said.

Investigators seemed unconvinced by this argument, noting that Diaz already had a different Director of Strategic Initiatives, Heather Marx, when Tompkins was hired. The Chief of Staff title has not been use since 2001, although various people has served as adjutants or aides to police chiefs since then.

Throughout her interview, Tompkins returned to the idea that people at SPD were inventing the controversy over her role, along with the alleged affair, because she looked and acted different than a typical SPD employee. Tompkins told investigators Diaz’ executive assistant told her Gray-McVey “had a thing for me” and was “enamored” to the point of updating the Q13 FOX website constantly to see when her bio would come down (indicating she was about to start at SPD).

Diaz’ assistant, Tompkins continued, “would get phone calls: ‘What is she wearing today, where is she, is she going to be at this event?’ And I asked her, like, ‘Why—why would they want this?’ and she’s like, “because they want to experience you. They want to have an experience with you. … [because] you’re from television.”A communications training consultant once told her “they don’t know what to do with you here,” Tompkins told investigators. “She’s like, ‘People just stare at you, like… I can’t possibly have a brain and really great ideas.”

If Diaz did create a position for Tompkins because he was in a relationship with her, that would be a form of misconduct and potentially a misuse of city funds. Proving this kind of misconduct would require the city to demonstrate that the affair actually occurred.

“Nervous and Scared”

Many of the most salacious details of Diaz’ alleged comments about Tompkins have been reported before, including his alleged statement that he couldn’t keep up with Tompkins sexually and told her to use her Rabbit vibrator when he wasn’t around. But the interviews show that the stories Diaz’ security detail told investigators were remarkably consistent and limited to information each man could have obtained firsthand—for example, in one instance when one person was driving and another was riding in the back with Diaz, investigators concluded that each story reflected what they could have heard from their relative positions in the car.

Brandon James, a member of Diaz’ detail recalled Diaz telling him he couldn’t have sex as often as Tompkins wanted, and said that he specifically suggested Cialis, not Viagra, as an effective male-enhancement pill. The two had initially bonded, James said, after he confided in Diaz about his own divorce and Diaz helped him get off the night shift so he could see his kids, James said. During one drive—around the time James took Diaz on a “road trip” to get a specially tailored suit—James said Diaz confided in him that he was considering a divorce from his wife because he and Tompkins “were dating and wanted to be together,” and James advised him on how expensive and complicated divorce can be.

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Around that time, both Gray-McVey and James said, they separately discussed various “cover stories” Diaz could use to explain why he was away from home so often, including the excuse that he was seeing a personal trainer. Diaz did later tell investigators he was seeing a personal trainer—Tompkins’ brother—at her apartment building, meeting for their sessions in the conference room. James said he told Diaz he needed a more specific excuse that wasn’t so easy to disprove. “I said, ‘Quite frankly, you need to have better cover stories.'”

In her final investigation report, investigator Le concluded that Diaz and Tompkins most likely had had the affair and lied about it, based on testimony from the three security detail members as well as their obvious fear of retaliation by Diaz. “I noticed how nervous and scared all of the members of the security detail were to participate in the investigation,” Le wrote.

“The members of the security detail described fear of retaliation from Mr. Diaz based on his historical behavior, explained that their trepidation came from the fact  that their testimony would be easily identifiable and traceable back to them, and suggested that the investigation could seek other sources of information, such as phone records or vehicle data in order to reduce the pressure and potential backlash they expected to experience from providing truthful testimony that would be damaging to Mr. Diaz.”

Additionally, Le wrote, there was no obvious reason why all three men would lie about Diaz. In an interview with investigators last October, Diaz suggested that Gray-McVey and James were both lying to help an unrelated officer who had sued the department, who Diaz said was “sleeping with” Gray-McVey. The interviewer seemed confused by this somewhat byzantine tale, and ultimately didn’t find it germane, concluding that “Mr. Diaz made direct statements to Det. Gray-McVey and Lt. James about sexual and intimate interactions with Ms. Tompkins.”

During her interview, Tompkins said there was “no way in hell” Diaz would have said he was having an affair with her, adding that the suggestion was “insulting” and “a form of sexual harassment.”

 

“Paranoid” 

Both Diaz and Tompkins claimed that people were surveilling them. Tompkins, as previously reported, believed officers from the West Precinct, which is directly adjacent to the her condo building, were hanging around her building to see if Diaz was going in and out. Tompkins had Diaz do “counter-surveillance” around her building, on one occasion watching a white SUV that she said had been “parked weird” and was “always facing my apartment”; she also put sensors on all her doors and “invested in all different types of security things.”

Diaz, too, believed he was being surveilled and followed, and was worried his car and office might be bugged with listening devices. James recalled Diaz telling him he was sure he was being followed, and was “paranoid about believing his cars were being bugged.” In an interview with investigators, Diaz said he believed people followed him home, and said “there were many times when I took in plenty of license plates because I thought I was being followed.”

Although other SPD personnel, including Maxey, told Diaz that physical tracking devices are mostly a thing of the past—”if you want to get somebody, you don’t plant a bug anymore, yo can hack their phone. Just go directly to the microphone they’re already carrying around with them,” Maxey told investigators—Diaz insisted on having his car swept for “bugs” and was alarmed when a sweeping device appeared to pick up something near one of the rear tires—most likely the Bluetooth system that monitors tire pressure on modern cars.

James said that, at Diaz’ insistence, he searched his office for bugs, but told investigators it was really “just for show”—to demonstrate to Diaz that he had nothing to worry about. But Diaz continued to believe he was being followed and targeted. Often, he would stop in a parking lot and just sit there for “20, 30, 40 minutes,” Sinn recalled, while his security escort waited for him to leave for home.

During those times, members of Diaz’ detail believed he was on the phone with Tompkins. In an interview with investigators, Diaz denied calling Tompkins during those times, then said he talks to “hundreds of people” and finally conceded that it was possible she was among the people he talked to on the phone before going home.

“We Have This Bomb That’s Going to Go Off”

Shortly after Mayor Bruce Harrell demoted Diaz in response to multiple sexual harassment complaints against him, Diaz came out as gay, telling people inside and outside the department that he had begun to question his sexuality a few years before making the announcement.

Both Gray-McVey and James told investigators it seemed clear that Diaz believed that if he came out as gay, it would be impossible for Harrell to fire him, because he would be a member of a protected class. Maxey said Diaz initially told him that “we have this bomb that’s going to go off, it’s going to reset all of this.” After Diaz made this cryptic remark, Maxey recalled, he told Diaz that being gay didn’t mean he couldn’t have had an affair with Tompkins and created a position for her—the two things weren’t mutually exclusive; sexuality is fluid.

At that point, Maxey said, Diaz “got very angry with me—he kept saying, you know, ‘This means somebody would be betraying their true self and acting contrary to  their feelings and their beliefs and what was right for them.'”

Diaz told investigators, and the public, that one reason he spent so much time hanging out with Tompkins was because she was one of his key emotional supports when he made the decision to come out as gay. However, investigators noted that in their lengthy interview with Tompkins, she never mentioned this among the many reasons she said she spent time with Diaz; nor did she mention personal training or working out, which were among the main reasons Diaz said he might have been seen entering and leaving her apartment building. Tompkins also told investigators she  stopped “socializing” with Diaz outside of work once she started at SPD.

It’s clear from the interviews with SPD staff that no one was bothered by Diaz’ profession that he was gay; even the members of his detail who didn’t believe him said it didn’t matter to them if someone was gay or straight. This included OIG director Lisa Judge, who Diaz and Tompkins accused of “outing” him to other SPD staff before he announced his sexual orientation publicly.

Although Diaz and Tompkins both claimed Judge was telling people Diaz wasn’t really gay,  Maxey said the opposite was true—Judge told her she thought Diaz might have come out to her, and she wanted to know if she should offer him advice on coming out later in life, as a fellow member of the LGBTQ community “She was genuinely concerned that he was hurting,” Maxey said. “You don’t have that level of concern if you’re doubting the reality of it.”

 

Seattle Nice: Should Left-Wing Counterprotesters Alter Their Approach?

Also: County Assessor Again Accused of Stalking, and Council Presses Pause on Ethics Changes

By Erica C. Barnett

On this week’s Seattle Nice podcast, we had a lively debate over two events held by an anti-trans, anti-choice religious group at Cal Anderson Park on Capitol Hill and at City Hall over the span of four days last week. While Sandeep, David, and I all more or less agreed that the city would have been smart to permit the first event somewhere other than the heart of the city’s historic LGBTQ+ neighborhood (and I pointed out that the group did not have the required permit to set up a stage, speaker stacks, and diesel generator for its event at City Hall) we parted ways on what David characterized as the protesters’ tactics.

Calling on his past experience as an activist and his read of 1960s history, David said he hoped Mayor Bruce Harrell and his opponent Katie Wilson would “call out the counterprotesters who got arrested,” because their actions play right into the Trump Administration’s hands. Trans protesters and their allies, he argued, should have been thinking of the “voters in swing states” who would see the arrests on FOX news and decide to harden their views against trans rights.

I countered that the very existence of visible trans people in the world is offensive to people who want trans people to disappear, and that we won’t win the votes of bigots by focusing on whether “our” side is being sufficiently civil and demure as they fight for their right to exist.

David and I also disagreed about the implication of the fact that “all 31” of the people arrested were counterprotesters—a data point that that, to me, is just a baseline reality for protests.

I wasn’t at Cal Anderson, where police say some people were throwing plastic water bottles and other items.  But I was at City Hall on Tuesday, where officers not only stood by while right-wing provocateurs screamed slurs like “tranny” and “autogynophile” in people’s faces, but provided security for the right-wing activists before, during, and after their unpermitted concert. The arrests I witnessed happened only after police on bikes swarmed to intervene in verbal arguments, escalating isolated conflicts into chaotic mini-melees.

Sandeep agreed with David that the counterprotesters were “dumb shits,” but eventually told us to take it outside because he was tired of hearing us get go around and around about protest tactics (probably fair!)

We also discussed my story about new, disturbing allegations that King County Assessor (and King County Executive candidate) John Arthur Wilson harassed and stalked his ex-partner. Officials and organizations across the county have called on Wilson to step down, but he told KUOW this week that he has no plans to do so.

And we talked about City Councilmember Cathy Moore’s decision last week to withdraw her broadly unpopular proposal to lower ethical standards for city council members, who are currently required to recuse themselves from voting on legislation that presents a financial conflict of interest. Moore, as PubliCola was first to report earlier today, is resigning her position as of July 7.

Cathy Moore Will Step Down After a Year and a Half On Council

By Erica C. Barnett

City Councilmember Cathy Moore will resign her position on July 7 after representing North Seattle’s District 5 for a year and a half. PubliCola exclusively reported the news on Bluesky on Monday after confirming with multiple people familiar with Moore’s decision.

Moore did not respond to our request for comment. She gave an interview to KOMO, the station that produced the infamous civic snuff film “Seattle Is Dying.”

Although Moore cited unspecified health concerns in a late-afternoon press release, the sources we spoke to said Moore is fed up with the job, which involved listening to sometimes harsh public pushback from constituents who disagreed with her legislative priorities.

Most recently, Moore faced criticism of her proposal to amend the city’s ethics code to allow city council members to shape and vote on legislation that presents a financial conflict of interest. That opposition included not just chants and shouts from former councilmember Kshama Sawant and members of her organization, Workers Strike Back, but emails and public comments fromhundreds of individual Seattle residents who opposed the proposed rollback of the council’s ethical standards.

The legislation, which Moore withdrew last week, was widely seen as an effort to allow the council’s two landlords, Mark Solomon and Maritza Rivera, to vote on upcoming legislation, also from Moore, to roll back eviction protections passed by the previous council. Last week, Solomon told PubliCola he was a “no” vote on Moore’s legislation, after voting for the bill in committee.

Moore’s distaste for the kind of public pushback that’s part of the job she ran for was evident from the very start of her term. In February 2024, when the council was still busy patting itself on the back for their camaraderie and commitment to Mayor Bruce Harrell’s “One Seattle Agenda,” Moore demanded that police arrest a group of demonstrators who were protesting outside council chambers, claiming they posed a “physical threat to the safety of each one of us. “Arrest those individuals,” Moore told police, adding that this kind of protest was “not to be tolerated.”

After that initial salvo, Moore would frequently object to the way people voiced their opposition to legislation, suggesting that it represented a new kind of incivility toward council members from a small segment of the public. In fact, Seattle has a long tradition of rowdy protest against council actions, going at least back to the Teen Dance Ordinance, when a dance-based protest led Margaret Pageler (the Cathy Moore of her day) to chase one of her constituents around the room at a public meeting.

Moore’s departure will almost certain mean the end of the road for her ethics rollback bill, which faced an uncertain future already.

It could also mean the end of her proposal to roll back eviction protections.

Moore’s legislation, according to sources familiar with its text, would have repealed the winter and school-year eviction moratoriums; overturned a law allowing tenants to add new roommates without prior approval; revised the process for landlords to file three-day eviction notices; and eliminated the requirement that landlords offer tenants the opportunity to renew their lease when it expired, among other rollbacks.

Moore passed little legislation during an impact during her brief time on council. Her biggest legislative achievement was passing a law that re-criminalized so-called “prostitution loitering” (targeting sex buyers instead of sex workers) and reinstated a “Stay Out of Prostitution Area” zone along the length of Aurora Avenue North. She also directed funding originally intended for groups that work with former sex workers on Aurora to The More We Love, a group started by a Kirkland real estate broker named Kristine Moreland that began as a for-profit company offering private encampment “sweeps” in Burien.

Moore was less successful in her efforts to revise the city’s comprehensive plan, the document that determines how much new housing can be built in Seattle and where, to make it harder to build apartments in her district and around the city. Moore attempted repeatedly to water down legislation to implement House Bill 1110, the bill that requires the city to allow at least four housing units on every residential lot—first suggesting that every privately constructed fourplex should have to include affordable housing, a proposal that would have ensured that no such housing got built, then proposing an amendment to require 20-foot yards in front of every new low-density development.

The comprehensive plan has been pushed into next year, and the bill to allow fourplexes passed without Moore’s amendment.

Moore also didn’t manage to amend the city’s tree code to make it harder for property owners to remove trees they own, a priority she brought up often during discussions about development.

Nor did she pass a capital gains tax as part of last year’s budget, or bring the idea up again in the six months since then.

She did manage to throw a wrench in plans to relocate Tent City 4, a sanctioned encampment, within her district; instead of staying a year at the Lake City Community Center as previously planned, Tent City 4 will have to move elsewhere within one to six months.

Once Moore leaves on July 7, the council will have 20 days to appoint a replacement—a process that has become familiar to this council, which previously appointed Tanya Woo to replace Teresa Mosqueda and Mark Solomon to replace Tammy Morales, who resigned after what she described as relentless bullying by her fellow council members at the beginning of 2025. Whoever gets the appointment will serve until November 2026, when there will be another election to determine who represents District 5.

Calling around on Monday about potential candidates, we learned that a number of previous contenders and progressive who live in the district are not interested in the job. One person who just might be, though, is Housing Development Consortium Patience Malaba—who gave a polite no comment when we asked if she was interested in running for the position.