Category: Taxes

Business Tax Will Be on November Ballot, Despite Council Objections Over Spending “Buckets”

By Erica C. Barnett

Over objections from some council members that the proposal was “rushed” or that it funds the wrong things, the Seattle City Council voted to place a tax increase for the city’s highest-grossing businesses on the November ballot. If it passes, the “Seattle Shield” proposal would direct new revenues toward housing, homelessness, food security, and other spending areas that are typically vulnerable during budget deficits and at risk of losing federal funding under the Trump Administration.

The proposal, which Counclmember Alexis Mercedes Rinck and Mayor Bruce Harrell rolled out in June, would raise the business and occupation tax exemption from $100,000 to $2 million in gross revenues, exempting most Seattle businesses from the tax, while increasing the tax rate for revenues above $2 million, netting about $90 million a year.

Amendments passed last week, including two from Councilmember Maritza Rivera exempting Children’s Hospital and Fred Hutchinson Cancer Center from the tax, reduced that total to about $81 million a year. Other amendments expanded the potential uses of the new tax to include substance use treatment, business workforce development and storefront repair, and—the broadest spending category—”transportation.”

An amendment from Bob Kettle would make the tax exemption up to $2 million a year permanent (otherwise, the exemption would revert back to $100,000) and reduce the higher tax on large businesses to make it revenue neutral, meaning it would only pay for the tax break for smaller businesses. The city estimates that in 2026, the tax breaks will cost around $61 million.

Councilmember Bob Kettle, who ultimately joined the unanimous vote to move the proposal to the November ballot, said he would much prefer that the council not stipulate how the increased tax revenues would be spent, instead sending a ballot measure to voters that asked them to approve an all-purpose tax that could be used for any need the mayor or council identifies in the future.

Comparing the ballot measure to the council-approved JumpStart payroll tax, which was originally earmarked for housing, Green New Deal priorities, and small business assistance, Kettle said the council only fixed that “problem” last year, when it formally eliminated all spending restrictions on the tax.

“I’m generally opposed to the use of categories or buckets, as some may say. I believe they were a mistake in the payroll expense tax, since over the years, conditions change, but the legislation remains the same,” Kettle said. “I also believe that categories, or buckets, in this B&O legislation was a mistake, in the sense that buckets begets buckets”—a reference to the expansion of the spending categories. “You know, our focus should be on the deficit. … And I think our focus should be for a clean bill to ensure that we are fiscally responsible, that meets the needs of our city.”

It is, of course, unknown whether voters would support a so-called “clean bill” that did not specify any purpose for a tax increase they were being asked to approve. But in general, every local ballot measure calling for a tax increase has had some purpose, whether it’s the transportation levy, the housing levy, the preschool and Seattle Promise levy, the tax we pay to fund emergency medical services, or any other voter-approved tax increase in local taxes.

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A levy “to fix the general fund deficit” would not only be a hard sell to many voters (who wouldn’t know whether new taxes would fund police hiring bonuses or food banks), it would incorporate the assumption that the city will continue going into each budget year with a deficit for the duration of the levy—not exactly “fiscally responsible” financial planning.

Rivera, too, appeared generally dissatisfied with the proposal, saying the six-week process to approve it was “rushed” and that she would also have preferred to send it to voters as a general tax increase to address the current deficit.

“Rather than single out items, this money should have just gone to the general fund and then when the mayor was putting together the budget that he sends us, he could have then considered this funding along with all the other funding,” Rivera said. “That would have been the good governance way to do this. But that is not how this moved forward.”

As I reported last month, Rivera was the first council member to publicly propose asking voters to approve a tax increase for undefined “general fund” purposes, arguing that the city can’t predict what needs will emerge in the future. Rivera has also suggested the city could take dedicated funds from the city’s housing levy and using them to backfill the general fund in the short term, paying back the loaned dollars later and foregoing some potential housing. Editor’s note: This story originally said Bob Kettle backed Rivera’s idea of using housing levy dollars to backfill the general fund; his office said this isn’t the case, so we’ve corrected the story to reflect that.

Seattle Nice: Seattle Sues Trump, Camping Ban Proposed, Business Tax Hike Heads to Ballot

By Erica C. Barnett

On this week’s episode, we discussed the broader implications of a proposed ballot initiative that would make it illegal to fall asleep outdoors anywhere in unincorporated King County. If enacted—proponents are still gathering signatures to put it on the ballot—the measure would make it a misdemeanor to sleep outdoors.

The proposal does stipulate that the sheriff’s office should only enforce the sleeping ban if shelter is available, but includes a carveout for situations where an officer believes someone poses a risk to himself or others, which is mechanically similar to Seattle rules allowing no-notice sweeps if someone is causing an “obstruction” in any public space, an exemption the city has interpreted quite liberally.

Whether the proposal ends up passing or not, it’s part of a broader growing intolerance for people who are visibly homeless in public spaces—one that goes hand in hand with anti-Housing First efforts to force people into treatment while they’re still homeless or unstably housed.

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We also discussed the proposed Seattle ballot measure that would raise business and occupation taxes on high-grossing businesses, using the proceeds to support housing stability, food security, shelter, substance use disorder treatment, and transportation. (The bill was originally more limited, but councilmembers piled on new spending categories and exemptions last week). After amendments to exempt Fred Hutchinson Cancer Care Center and Children’s Hospital from the tax, it will—if it passes—bring in about $90 million a year.

The three of us debated whether the tax proposal was, as Sandeep suggested, “rushed” forward to give Mayor Bruce Harrell a last-minute boost before the primary election (mail in your ballots or drop them off at an official ballot drop box before Tuesday night at 8pm!)

Harrell has certainly jumped on more than one progressive bandwagon in recent weeks to bolster his lefty bona fides in his race against progressive labor and transit activist Katie Wilson. In addition to coming out for the B&O tax, which Rinck was reportedly working on long before Harrell got wind of it, the mayor just endorsed a lawsuit against the Trump Administration filed by City Attorney Ann Davison—another local official who appears to be in for a tough reelection battle and could benefit from being able to say she proactively sued the Trump Administration, even if it took her until the week before Election Day.

This Week on PubliCola: August 2, 2025

The city is already expanding its police camera surveillance program to three new areas, including a large swath of the Central District.

This week’s roundup, featuring a proposed camping ban, tons of election updates, and news about the city council, SPD, and the impact of Trump’s executive orders on Seattle.

By Erica C. Barnett

Monday, July 28

Council Appoints Juarez to Serve Out Cathy Moore’s Term, Accusations Fly Over Democracy Voucher Collection

Two stories in Monday’s Afternoon Fizz: Former elected councilmember Debora Juarez, whose appointment to her old position was never truly in doubt, will serve out the term of Cathy Moore, who quit the council after just 18 months. And two candidates for the District 2 council seat accuse a third of illegally farming democracy voucher contributions.

Seattle Nice: Is Trump’s Executive Order the End of Housing First?

On the podcast this week, we spoke to Purpose Dignity Action co-director Lisa Daugaard about a Trump executive order slamming harm reduction and housing first. Unlike many advocates, Daugaard said the executive order will probably still allow most housing-first programs to continue, and doesn’t mandate arrests or involuntary commitment, despite its pugnacious language.

Tuesday, July 29

Initiative Would Criminalize Sleeping Outdoors in King County

A proposal from head tax opponent Saul Spady, whose grandfather founded Dick’s Burgers, would make it a misdemeanor to sleep outdoors in unincorporated King County. In addition to the “camping” ban, Spady’s group wants to impose mandatory minimum sentences for fentanyl and meth dealing, force people who overdose or get caught using drugs three times into mandatory six-month rehab, and open 3,000 shelter beds.

Council Finally Seats Renters Commission, New Council Rules Allow Longer Public Comments

Tuesday’s Afternoon Fizz features two stories: After Councilmembers Rob Saka and Sara Nelson shut down a committee meeting to consider appointments to the city’s long-unfilled Renters Commission, possibly at the behest of ex-councilmember Moore, the council seated the full commission this week without comment or dissent. And: New city council rules, proposed by Councilmember Dan Strauss, set parameters around public comment so council members can’t cut people off quite so arbitrarily.

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Wednesday, July 30

Business Tax Plan Moves Forward, Larded With New Exemptions and Spending Categories

A proposal to increase business and occupation taxes on the city’s highest-grossing businesses moved forward, now loaded up with tax exemptions that will cut annual revenues from the tax by more than $10 million and additional spending areas that could dilute the impact of the tax, which is supposed to go to housing and human services.

Thursday, July 31

Police Roll Out Expansion Plans for Surveillance Cameras

The council is preparing to approve an expansion of police surveillance cameras into three new areas, just two months after SPD installed dozens of CCTV cameras in three Seattle neighborhoods. The city has no data yet to justify the expansion of the new program, which supporters pitched as a solution to human trafficking and gun violence.

Friday, August 1

Who Is Common Purple Collective, Ann Davison’s Campaign Consultant?

It’s pretty unusual for a brand-new consultant to arrive on the scene in local Seattle politics. It’s even more unusual for that consultant to conceal their identity using an out-of-state LLC, proxy registrar, untraceable private mailbox, and a weird corporate name that yields exactly one search result. Whoever’s working for Ann Davison, Seattle’s Republican city attorney, doesn’t want to be known.

Ex-SPD Chief Drops Lawsuit Against Harrell, City Files Pre-Election Trump Lawsuit, Councilmembers Oppose Progressive Colleague’s Reelection

Three stories to round out the week: Former police chief Adrian Diaz mysteriously dropped Mayor Harrell from his lawsuit against the city, which relied heavily on claims that Harrell defamed Diaz and fired him unfairly. Harrell, who’s running for reelection, stood alongside Davison as they announced they’re suing the Trump Administration over two seven-month-old executive orders, less than a week before Election Day. And two councilmembers send a message to their colleague Alexis Mercedes Rinck: In case you were wondering, we don’t like you.

Business Tax Plan Moves Forward, Larded With New Exemptions and Spending Categories

By Erica C. Barnett

The Seattle City Council moved a heavily amended proposal to raise business and occupation taxes on larger companies one step closer to the ballot on Wednesday, approving the measure in the budget committee while leaving open the possibility that it could be amended further next week, when it goes to a full council vote.

The proposal would exempt all gross business revenue up to $2 million from local B&O tax, raising taxes on the highest-grossing businesses to offset the small-business tax relief and pay for programs that might otherwise be cut due to a projected $241 million budget deficit.

The potential ballot measure, proposed by City Councilmember Alexis Mercedes Rinck and Mayor Bruce Harrell late last month, was originally supposed to raise about $90 million a year to fund programs that support food access, gender-based violence services, small business supports, emergency shelter, homelessness prevention, workers’ rights and protections, and housing stability.

Rinck has been calling the proposal the “Seattle Shield” bill, because it’s meant to shield Seattle from the worst impacts of federal cuts to critical, life-saving services.

Thanks to amendments piled on Wednesday afternoon by Rinck’s colleagues Maritza Rivera, Joy Hollingsworth, and Rob Saka (plus a potential future amendment from Dan Strauss), the proposal is on track to bring in about $11 million a year less than originally estimated. The council’s amendments also broadened the measure so it can fund programs far outside its original scope.

Introducing two amendments that will exempt Seattle Children’s Hospital and Fred Hutchinson Cancer Care from the tax, at an estimated annual revenue reduction (or cost) of more than $9 million, Rivera argued that funding for cancer treatment and pediatric care represented “the very problem this bill is claiming to address—that is, impacts to our residents, including our kids, based on federal cuts and policy changes attacking those who need these critical services.”

Rivera added that when Rinck and Harrell first proposed the tax, “it was not clear that that nonprofits pay B&O tax.” In Washington State and in Seattle, most nonprofits are taxed exactly the same as for-profits, except that some of their fundraising activities are tax exempt. “These are nonprofits, these are not businesses,” Rivera said of the two hospitals she singled out for exemptions.

Strauss plans to propose an additional tax exemption for stevedoring—companies that load and unload cargo from ships—on the grounds that maritime trade is critical to Seattle. That exemption, which Strauss said he’d introduce on Monday, would reduce the proceeds from the new tax by another $1.5 million a year. In all, the new exemptions could reduce annual revenues from the tax by almost $11 million, or around 12 percent.

The city doesn’t have precise revenue estimates because businesses—including hospitals structured as nonprofits—don’t have to report their revenues publicly.

After voting for the two exemptions, Rivera and Nelson blanched at the idea of increasing the size of the tax to make up for lost revenue, saying they hadn’t had a chance to thoroughly study the impact of such a rate increase. “It’s unfortunate that this was sort of—that this landed in our laps at the sort of the last minute,” Nelson said. “It just feels rushed to me. … It’s unfortunate that this didn’t come to us earlier in the year.”

Rinck countered that the only reason she brought up the idea of increasing the tax rate was the last-minute amendments from Rivera and Strauss; had they not introduced new tax exemptions in the last week, she wouldn’t have proposed increasing the tax to offset the losses their exemptions would cause.

“If we had known about any tax credits coming sooner than on Monday, I think we would have worked quickly to try and understand what an adjusted rate would look like,” Rinck said.

In addition to the exemptions, the council also adopted several amendments expanding how the new tax, if it passes, can be used. The changes will allow this council, and future councils, to spend the so-called Seattle Shield dollars not just on human services and homelessness programs but on “transportation projects” of all kinds, arts and culture programs, anything related to public health, business workforce development, storefront repairs, and substance use treatment, among other new spending categories.

Rinck, and others who opposed expanding the proposal so far beyond its original purpose, noted that the city already has dedicated funds that pay for arts (the admissions tax), workforce development (the Families, Education, Preschool, and Promise levy), and transportation (the recently renewed transportation levy, which is the biggest in the city’s history). Saka justified including transportation on the potential spending list because Trump has threatened to pull transportation funds from cities, like Seattle, that have low marriage and birth rates.

The impact of adding so many new spending categories to the legislation is unknown. Public commenters, including advocates for people at risk of going hungry in Seattle, expressed concern about spreading the “peanut butter” of limited funding too thin by using the tax proceeds as a slush fund for individual council members’ priorities.

The committee also approved an amendment from Councilmember Bob Kettle, who was absent, that will require the mayor’s office to come up with high-level balanced budget proposals for two years beyond the scope of the biennial budget. Last year, Harrell proposed a budget that was balanced through 2026 but fell out of balance in 2027, with a total projected deficit of $158 million between 2027 and 2028. Another Kettle amendment passed that would remove a sunset date of 2033 (with the possibility of a four-year extension) and lower the tax rate beginning that year.

The full council will take up the proposal next Monday, just before the August 5 primary election that marks the deadline to get it the measure on the November ballot. On Monday morning, the city’s Office of Economic and Revenue Forecasts will present its latest revenue projections, which will reveal whether this year’s budget deficit is smaller or larger than the $241 million shortfall projected in April.

This Week on PubliCola: July 27, 2025

Renters’ commission appointments thwarted, city attorney blasted in court for refusing to let judge hear cases, and much more news from this week.

By Erica C. Barnett

Monday, July 21

PubliCola Questions: Mayoral Candidate Joe Mallahan

In an interview with PubliCola, mayoral candidate Joe Mallahan, who narrowly lost to Mike McGinn in 2009, said he opposes encampment sweeps, supports an “intervention”-style approach to addiction, and would focus on “respect for women” in an effort to reform the misogynistic culture of the Seattle Police Department.

Tuesday, July 22

Council Broaches Using Housing Levy, Proposed “Seattle Shield” Tax Funds to Backfill General Fund Shortfall

Facing a likely budget deficit of $250 million or more, the Seattle City Council has started discussing new sources of money to backfill general fund spending and stave off major budget cuts. The latest ideas, which came up in a budget meeting this week, include borrowing funds from the housing levy (ultimately resulting in the construction of less housing) and preemptively allowing the proceeds from a future business and occupation tax increase to be spent on any purpose.

Wednesday, July 23

Municipal Court Judge Shadid Blasts City Attorney for Refusing to Send Cases to Judge Vaddadi

In an unusual confrontation in open court, Seattle Municipal Court Judge Damon Shadid excoriated the criminal division chief for City Attorney Ann Davison’s office, Fred Wist, for his office’s ongoing refusal to allow Judge Pooja Vaddadi to hear DUI and domestic violence cases. Davison filed a blanket affidavit of prejudice against Vaddadi in 2023, relegating the elected judge to reviewing traffic tickets.

Renters Commission Appointments Thwarted by Saka and Nelson’s Last-Minute Absence from Their Own Committee

For her entire 18-month term, former councilmember Cathy Moore refused to consider appointments to the city’s Renters Commission, and was working to replace the group with a joint landlord-tenant commission when she resigned. When the vice chair of her committee, Mark Solomon, moved to approve the appointments, two committee members, Sara Nelson and Rob Saka, bailed, depriving the committee of quorum and thwarting their appointments—again.

Friday, July 25

Afternoon Fizz: Harrell’s “Emergency Housing” Claims Don’t Stand Up to Scrutiny, Council Hopefuls Quizzed on Crime, Renters Commission Appointments Will Get a Vote After All

After a public outcry over the thwarted renters’ commission appointments, Council President Sara Nelson announced the full council will consider the nominations next Tuesday. Also, we took a look at Mayor Bruce Harrell’s campaign claim that he oversaw the creation of “3,000 units of emergency housing” and found it wanting. And: The six nominees for the District 5 city council appointment discussed crime and other issues at two public forums; the council will appoint a new colleague, likely former councilmember Debora Juarez, next week.

 

Council Broaches Using Housing Levy, Proposed “Seattle Shield” Tax Funds to Backfill General Fund Shortfall

 

By Erica C. Barnett

During a recent discussion of a potential ballot measure that would increase the business and occupation tax for larger businesses and exempt gross revenues up to $2 million a year, Councilmember Maritza Rivera suggested that the city should not dedicate the new tax, if it passes, to housing and human services, but put the money in the general fund instead, where it could pay for anything from police to road repairs to prosecution.

The council sponsor of the proposal, Alexis Mercedes Rinck, has dubbed it the “Seattle Shield” proposal because, she says, it will help shield the city from some of the more devastating cuts from the Trump administration, by contributing about $90 million a year to critical safety-net services. Voters will “choose whether we protect each other or abandon each other,” Rinck said when announcing the plan.

But, Rivera noted, the city is also facing a budget deficit of $250 million or more (the next revenue forecast will come in August.) “At the end of the day, you know, it begs the question: Why not just put all of this in the general fund?” Rivera said. “And as you’re doing the budget process, then you’re delineating where it goes, because we keep doing these funding sources, and then we are narrowing what we can use to spend with it.”

The JumpStart payroll tax, for example, was originally passed to pay for services targeted toward people most impacted by the high cost of living for which big companies like Amazon are partly responsible; since its passage, however, the council has turned it into an all-purpose slush fund.

Rinck noted that the Trump cuts will likely include emergency housing vouchers, homelessness funding through the federal Continuum of Care, and funding for basic needs like food assistance. “The outlined areas in this legislation are intended to speak to where we are anticipating the cuts will be the deepest,” Rinck said. Additionally, she said, “I think we need to be clear with voters about what we intend to use these funds for.”

It’s hard to say whether voters would find the idea of a tax that can be used for any purpose the council chooses appealing, but Seattle’s other voter-approved levies and taxes are all for specific spending areas, so a business tax for the general fund would be a major departure from precedent.

Rivera also brought up another idea that has come up frequently in recent months, including on the 2025 campaign trail: Given that the Office of Housing is “sitting on” hundreds of millions of dollars it isn’t currently spending, why can’t the city just borrow some of “that housing levy money we’re starting to collect now”?

Doing so would require the city to forego some future housing, Rivera acknowledged—the city can’t encumber tax dollars from the housing levy to build housing in the future if that money has already been used to address the budget deficit the city is facing today—but that seemed to her like a sensible tradeoff.

“Nothing is getting built,” Rivera said, “and this money is going to continue to come in. So if it’s not being used today, we know money is continuing to come in, we can make good down the line, on the award or, you know, the investment. But we have needs today, and we have money sitting somewhere today—I’m not an accountant, but it seems to me that we should be able to” use that money now, she said.

Deputy Mayor Greg Wong noted that the housing levy funds, is “not a pot of money the executive has one to touch, because we want to maintain our promises and investments in affordable housing.” By spending revenues from the housing revenue on general-fund purposes, the city would be breaking an implicit promise to voters when they agreed to tax themselves for housing.

And city budget director Dan Eder noted that it isn’t true that affordable housing isn’t getting built; last year, 1,300 new units of affordable housing were partly funded by housing levy dollars.

On its face, it seems somewhat absurd to think of the city asking voters for a new tax to backfill its budget deficit (a deficit exacerbated, last year, by $100 million in new spending the mayor and council hung on the budget like it was a Christmas tree), or for the city to use the housing levy, a voter-approved property tax for housing, to backfill the general fund.

But the city is entering unprecedented times, with federal funding cuts on the way that will force the mayor and council to decide between massive cuts to basic services (except police and prosecution, of course) and reneging on promises to voters about how the taxes they approved will be spent. It’s always an easier decision for elected officials to cut long-term spending that won’t pay off until years in the future than to make tough choices in the present. Just look at what happened to JumpStart.