Category: public safety

Auditor’s Gun Violence Recommendations Prompt Defensive Response from Mayor’s Office

By Erica C. Barnett

Late last month, the City Auditor’s Office released a report on Seattle’s response to gun violence that concluded the city has failed to create the kind of systematic, transparent, multi-departmental approach that has been adopted successfully in other cities like Baltimore and Milwaukee, which have dramatically reduced their rates of gun violence even as Seattle’s has increased. Between 2020 and 2024, the number of (reported) shots fired in Seattle increased 71 percent, non-fatal shootings increased 58 percent, and fatal shootings increased 23 percent.

The auditor’s office, which presented their findings to Council President Sara Nelson’s governance committee last week, made four broad recommendations.

First, they said, the city should develop systemic, transparent reporting on patterns in gun violence and make that information available to the public. Second, the mayor’s office should provide an update on its work to integrate all the city’s violence prevention programs under the CARE (Community Assisted Response and Engagement) Department, which “has not yet begun,” according to the audit, despite being a key element of the department’s mission since it was established in 2023.

Third, the city should implement evidence-based approaches to gun violence, such as problem-oriented policing (a proactive strategy that addresses underlying factors that contribute to crime), homicide review panels, and training requirements for organizations that get city funds for violence prevention to ensure they’re using evidence-based problem-solving methods; a previous audit found that many city-funded programs judged their own success against measures like how many people enrolled in a program, rather than whether the program reduced gun violence.

And fourth, the city should use multi-departmental, place-based methods to prevent and respond to gun violence, rather than just being reactive.

The audit—originally requested by Mayor Bruce Harrell and Council President Nelson as an update on a 2012 report on the city’s crime prevention strategies—noted that the city never implemented many of auditor’s previous recommendations on crime and public safety, including several on street outreach programs that the office “stopped tracking” last year because “we had no evidence that they would ever be implemented.”

The report noted that the city doesn’t need to invent its own strategy out of whole cloth: Other cities have already created frameworks that Seattle could adopt, including public-facing dashboards that provide access to a broad range of data about gun violence, post-homicide review panels, and investment in community-based programs that have been shown to reduce gun violence, rather than those that don’t produce results.

Milwaukee, for example, has a Homicide Review Commission that includes case management and services for victims’ families, along with an ongoing, detailed review of every homicide in the city that includes an analysis of “community-level contributing factors and … community interventions that may be appropriate.”

Baltimore’s comprehensive crime prevention strategy established a new Mayor’s Office of Neighborhood Safety and Engagement (MONSE) that is based on four “pillars”: A public health approach to violence; youth justice and violence reduction; community engagement and interagency collaboration; and evaluation and accountability.” Since the two cities implemented these new approaches, homicides in Milwaukee have dropped 52 percent over eight years; in Baltimore, fatal shootings declined 23 percent between 2023 and 2024.

“We tried to lift up the examples that we found from other jurisdictions where there’s just more visibility and more of a comprehensive view of gun violence,” Claudia Gross Shader, the audit’s lead author, told PubliCola. “There’s not an action plan for gun violence in Seattle that we can look at like like Baltimore has developed.”

For example, Gross Shader said, Baltimore has a public safety accountability dashboard that’s maintained by MONSE, not the police department, and includes information from police, prosecutors, and community-based providers. “That level of visibility into what the city’s doing and how things are changing over time does not exist in Seattle,” Gross Shader said.

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Councilmember Maritza Rivera, who said during last week’s meeting that she felt “validated” by the fact that the audit identified Magnuson Park as number four on a list of city parks with the highest incidences of gun violence, said she spent last summer asking police, the Parks Department, and the mayor’s office to do something about a spate of shootings and other criminal activity in and around Magnuson Park.

“I was asking them what their plan was  for addressing this, and I definitely got responses form SPD and from Parks, in terms of action items, but I felt that the things I was bringing to the mayor’s office were getting diminished or dismissed,” Rivera told PubliCola. “I didn’t feel like there was that recognition that things were happening and we have a plan for addressing it. I didn’t get the sense of urgency.”

Shortly after the meeting, the mayor’s office reached out to Rivera and they had “a great conversation” about what the city can do in the short term to address issues in her Northeast Seattle district, Rivera said.

But, she added, “we should be taking a centralized approach” to gun violence, the way Milwaukee and Baltimore have done. In those cities, “it seems like it’s all-hands-on-deck to address gun violence in general, and the audit showed that the centralization wasn’t there like it should be.”

Tensions flared during last week’s meeting about how much the city is actually doing to address gun violence holistically and whether the audit was even necessary.

After Harrell’s office initiated the audit last January, Deputy Mayor Tim Burgess told the city auditor to stop working on it in April, “because [the Human Services Department] is preparing to issue a new round of [requests for proposals] that will result in new funding opportunities” for community safety organizations. HSD subsequently postponed the community safety RFP until later this year, and in October, Nelson directed the auditor’s office to move forward with its work.

Harrell formally “concurred” with all the audit’s recommendations, but it became clear during the committee meeting that the mayor’s office considered the audit unnecessarym even insulting. “The mayor’s office agrees with the audit findings, but we were already doing the things that were in the audit findings,” Deputy Mayor Tiffany Washington told the committee.

When PubliCola asked if the mayor’s office or SPD plans to implement any new strategies in response to the audit, as opposed to policies that are already underway,, Harrell spokeswoman Callie Craighead said, “Our office plans to incorporate the findings of the Auditor’s report into existing strategies and initiatives. The report validated the approach of our One Seattle Restoration Framework, which states that improving public safety within our city involves collaboration across multiple City departments and programs and taking a place-based approach to our needs, as seen with the launch of our Downtown Activation Team.”

Speaking more bluntly at last week’s meeting, Washington told Nelson, “When you were getting ready to launch this, my argument to you [was], we are working on this, and we didn’t get that same respect. … It would have been nice to know that you guys heard us when we were telling you that we were already working on it.”

“I have a master’s degree in human services,” Washington added, along with a “personal degree” as someone directly impacted by gun violence. “I don’t need an audit to tell me the things that I can see on the streets and tell me the things that I hear from constituents.”

As examples of things the city is already doing, Washington pointed to the establishment of the CARE dual-dispatch pilot; the Unified Care Team, which removes encampments; Harrell’s “One Seattle Restoration Framework,” which includes a section on gun violence; the establishment of a real-time crime center that will be connected to new CCTV cameras around the city; the enrollment of the city’s gun violence liaison in a national workshop on violence interruption; and new Police Chief Shon Barnes’ plan to implement “stratified policing.”

According to Craighead, stratified policing “focuses on identifying and tackling crime and disorder issues by analyzing immediate, short-term, and long-term patterns, ensuring they are addressed swiftly and effectively through a collaborative approach that emphasizes community partnerships.”

Although the audit found that “the city has not systematically implemented” problem-oriented policing (identifying it as one reason the city hasn’t successfully reduced crime and overdoses at two well-known hot spots), SPD general counsel Rebecca Boatright told the council that “SPD routinely does a fair amount of work with problem- oriented policing and place-based policing” and would continue to do so.

As for the recommendation that the city create a systemic public safety dashboard like Baltimore’s, Boatright said the department is working to put more information online, but that providing too much specific information could harm ongoing investigations.

Gross Shader said she hopes the city will respond to the audit in more detail in the future to explain how some of the city’s existing approaches are working to reduce gun violence and how Harrell’s One Seattle Restoration plan compares to the holistic approach like the ones Baltimore and Milwaukee have.

She also noted that the city already has at least one home-grown example of a systematic public safety plan—the Phố Đẹp (Beautiful Neighborhood) Little Saigon Safety Plan that Friends of Little Sài Gòn released last month, which identifies a list of eight public-safety problems in the neighborhood, interventions to address those problems, and the outcomes that will result when each problem has been addressed. That framework focuses almost entirely on strategies that don’t involve police, such as the creation of a business coalition to combat EBT (food stamp) fraud, increased funding for affordable housing in lieu of policies that “criminalize poverty,” including sweeps, and funding for dedicated outreach workers in the Chinatown-International District.

Shannon Braddock Appointed Acting County Executive; Saka Says He Opposed Traffic Diverters In His Neighborhood Because of Equity Concerns

1. On Tuesday, the King County Council unanimously appointed Shannon Braddock as acting King County Executive; previously, Braddock was deputy county executive to Dow Constantine, who took a new job this month as CEO of Sound Transit. Braddock previously worked at the county for 15 years, starting as chief of staff to former councilmember Joe McDermott; she also ran unsuccessfully for Seattle City Council in 2015 and for state senate in 2018.

Braddock will be the first female county executive in King County history. At yesterday’s meeting, several male council members praised Braddock without mentioning this historic fact—including two who did mention Braddock’s father, former state legislator Dennis Braddock, saying he should be proud. It fell to Councilmember Teresa Mosqueda to note that Braddock’s appointment marked “a big moment for our county.”

Councilmember Claudia Balducci called Braddock’s appointment “a milestone that should be and will be celebrated,” and asked the council to move quickly to appoint Braddock not just acting but full county executive through November, when a new county executive will take office, “so that we get the stability and the value of the complete and total confidence that we have in Shannon through November.” (As acting executive, Braddock can be removed and replaced at any time.)

When Balducci asked what the process would be to vote on Braddock’s appointment through November, council chair Girmay Zahilay abruptly called the council into a closed-door executive session, and the meeting ended without a clear answer on whether the council will appoint Braddock permanently or go through a second, separate process, potentially considering other candidates. Balducci said she plans to introduce legislation to appoint Braddock as full county executive at the council’s next meeting on April 15.

Balducci and Zahilay are running against each other for county executive; a third candidate, county assessor John Arthur Wilson, is also running.

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2. When he isn’t denouncing the words of people who left the council years ago, Rob Saka is head of the Seattle City Council’s transportation committee, which got a briefing from the Seattle Department of Transportation Tuesday about the city’s efforts to deploy new automated traffic enforcement cameras in school zones and to site five new full-time automated speed enforcement cameras.

After SDOT staffers laid out their plans to pick the best locations for the speed cameras by studying safety and equity issues at potential camera sites, Saka raised an objection: The city council, he said, had already decided where the new cameras should go. “So, Alki-Harbor Avenue, Magnuson Park, Golden Gardens, and probably Belltown,” Saka said. “So, boom! There’s four for you… We took care of the siting for ya.” That, an SDOT staffer noted quickly, is not how the process works; the state law authorizing automated traffic cameras requires an equity and safety analysis, and that—not vibes or the volume of neighborhood complaints—becomes the basis for placing the new cameras around the city.

Before the camera discussion began, Saka took a few minutes to respond to a public commenter who called out Saka’s opposition, as a neighborhood resident, to two proposed traffic diverters that would prevent people from cutting across the 26th Avenue SW greenway in the North Delridge neighborhood. The commenter, who identified himself as Max, noted that the diverter was supposed to reduce cut-through car traffic on 26th, the main cycling route in the area after SDOT canceled a planned northbound bike lane on Delridge. The diverter was canceled after residents objected that it would slow down car traffic, among other complaints.

Saka said his opposition to this and other traffic calming measures was a matter of “equity” because North Delridge is a “food desert” and the dividers, at SW Brandon and SW Genesee, would have prevented people from accessing “fresh food” in the neighborhood.

“It makes no sense,” Saka said. “It’s a head scratcher, in my view, to install a traffic diverter and prevent left-hand turns in a food desert, rendering Delridge the only single point of access to any fresh foods [or ] vegetables whatsoever. … It doesn’t make a lot of sense, from my perspective, to install such a drastic, draconian measure that has a a significant impact on neighborhoods and communities.”

This is hardly the first time Saka has raised “equity” objections to projects designed to protect vulnerable road users. In 2023, PubliCola reported on Saka’s fervid opposition to another traffic-safety divider, installed as part of a major transit upgrade on Delridge and also intended to protect cyclists and pedestrians. Saka compared the 8-inch divider, which prevents illegal left turns into the parking lot of the preschool his children attended, to Trump’s border wall, and set aside $2 million in last year’s budget to remove it.

This Week on PubliCola: March 23, 2025

Mayor Bruce Harrell spoke this week at an announcement about the CARE team’s expansion into south Seattle.

Monday, March 17

Seattle Nice: Sound Transit’s New Leader, Katie Wilson’s Run for Mayor, and Ann Davison’s Challengers

On our latest episode of Seattle Nice, we discused King County Executive Dow Constantine’s likely appointment as head of Sound Transit; mayor Bruce Harrell’s first potentially viable challenger, Katie Wilson; and a new candidate, Erika Evans, who’s joining the race against Republican City Attorney Ann Davison.

Tuesday, March 18

PubliCola Questions: City Attorney Candidate Nathan Rouse

Nathan Rouse, a public defender who’s also challenging Davison, talked with PubliCola about his agenda for the office. If elected, he said, he’ll bring back community court, end Davison’s “high utilizers” initiative that targets repeat offenders for extra punishment, and focus more resources on prosecuting wage theft, protecting tenants, and providing resources to crime victims.

Wednesday, March 19

“We’re Gonna Throw It Away.” Dan Strauss, on Losing End of Stadium Housing Vote, Predicts Disaster for Industrial Seattle

After months of deliberation, the council voted 6-3 to allow a limited amount of housing near the city’s two stadiums south of downtown. Dan Strauss, a vocal adversary of the plan, dominated the five-hour meeting with increasingly dour speeches predicting the downfall of the maritime industry in Seattle, due primarily to traffic caused by people living in apartments in the area.

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Thursday, March 20

CARE Crisis Response Team Moves into South Seattle As Council Complains It’s Ineffective

The city’s CARE crisis response team—a team of social workers that responds, accompanied by police, to certain 911 calls—announced this week that it’s expanding citywide. Last week, the city council complained that the the team has not produced visible reductions in misery on Seattle’s streets; in response, CARE’s director noted that the team is limited under an agreement with the police union to 24 responders.

Friday, March 21

When a Top Mayoral Staffer Was Accused of Sexual Assault, These Women Decided It Was Time to Come Forward

Mayor Bruce Harrell’s external affairs director, Pedro Gomez, was accused of raping a woman he met through the mayor’s office last year. After she came forward, several other women spoke to PubliCola about their own experiences with Gomez, including a coworker who said she never reported her own assault. Harrell’s office said there was never any indication that Gomez had any history of inappropriate behavior with women.

 

This Week on PubliCola: January 25, 2025

Seattle City Councilmember Rob Saka raising one finger in the air
Seattle City Councilmember Rob Saka, five minutes into a yes/no question

The council weighs a critical appointment, a cop gets sentenced for murder, and firefighters triple their salaries with overtime.

By Erica C. Barnett

Tuesday, January 21

Seattle Nice: Our 2025 Predictions!

PubliCola founder and columnist Josh Feit joined us on the Seattle Nice podcast this week to discuss our predictions for 2025, including MAGA’s emergence in Seattle, David’s predictions for this year’s February and November elections, Sandeep’s expectation that Seattle will continue its “malaise” era, and my worries about Seattle’s readiness for immigration raids and the likely withdrawal of federal funding during Trump 2.0

Wednesday, January 22

Council Forum Skips Past Land Use to Focus On Seward Park Drivers, Beat Cops, and “the Threat of Sound Transit

The city council is preparing—for the second time in a year—to appoint a new member, this time to represent Southeast Seattle in the seat formerly held by Tammy Morales. Unfortunately, the one and only public forum for the six finalists focused on micro-issues and complaints the city council has no power to address—like “why can people who I don’t know park in front of my house?”

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Thursday, January 23

Auburn Cop Convicted of Murder and Assault Is First Sentenced Under 2018 Accountability Law

An Auburn police officer who was convicted of murdering and assaulting Jesse Sarey, a 26-year-old homeless man who was experiencing a mental health crisis, was sentenced to more than 16 years in prison under a law passed by voters in 2018 that reduced the high burden of proof for police misconduct.

Friday, January 24

Nearly 200 Firefighters Made More than $200,000 Last Year, Amassing Thousands of Hours of Overtime

Last year, 180 Seattle Fire Department employees—almost one in five—made more than $200,000, doubling or tripling their salaries by working thousands of hours of overtime. Of those, 19 made more than $300,000, sometimes averaging 120 hours a week or more under a system that places almost no limits on how much overtime a firefighter can accrue.

Saturday, January 25

Six Applicants Make Their Case to Become the City Council’s Newest Member

The council applicants made their cases before the city council for nearly two hours on Thursday, answering questions that ranged from “where did you go to middle school?” to “how will you approach the city’s comprehensive plan?”

 

Nearly 200 Firefighters Made More than $200,000 Last Year, Amassing Thousands of Hours of Overtime

Seattle Fire Station Tim, by Joe Mabel, via Wikimedia Commons

By Erica C. Barnett

Last year, 180 Seattle Fire Department employees—almost one in five—made more than $200,000, doubling or tripling their salaries by working large, and sometimes mind-boggling, amounts of overtime. Of those, 19 (20 if you count Fire Chief Harold Scoggins) made more than $300,000, with several reporting salaries close to $400,000—a level that puts them in the ranks of Seattle Police Department officers like Ron Willis, who was recently suspended for working excess overtime after making almost $400,000 last year.

PubliCola obtained Fire employees’ pay information, including a breakdown that accounts for vacation, leave, overtime, and other pay codes, through a records request.

Most of the SFD employees who made over $300,000 reported working thousands of hours of overtime, on top of the 90.46 hours they get paid for every two weeks.

The highest-paid SFD employee was Captain James Hilliard, a 32-year veteran who added $180,000 to his $120,000 salary by working 2,335 hours of overtime, reporting more than 200 hours of overtime in each of five different months in 2024. Another captain, Michael Frediani, more than tripled his $105,000 salary—to $384,000—by clocking in for 1,726 hours of overtime, including 252 in December alone.

But it wasn’t just higher-ranking firefighters who cleared the $300,000 bar.

Under their union contract, Seattle firefighters automatically get paid for about 2,350 hours in a year, including vacation, sick time, merit pay, holidays, and other time off. Many Seattle firefighters in the top income bracket were paid for 4,000, 5,000, or even 6,000 hours, most of that in overtime.

Firefighter Daniel Kieta, whose base salary in 2024 was $95,000, more than tripled his pay to $315,000, receiving pay for 6,000 hours on the clock last year, including almost 2,400 hours of overtime. That works out, on average, to 45 hours of overtime for each 45-hour week. But it wasn’t distributed evenly. Last June, for example, Kieta reported working 267 hours at regular pay and 283 hours of overtime, for an average of 128 hours a week, more than 65 hours a week of that in overtime.

Darren Schulberg, a firefighter since 1991, reported working 5,730 hours in 2024, including 2,405 hours of overtime; those hours helped boost his annual pay from $86,635 to $322,775. In June, Schulberg added 259 hours of overtime to 254 hours at regular pay, for a an average of 120 hours a week.

And Jason Lynch, a firefighter with a base salary of $97,000, made an additional $238,000 in overtime, including 441 overtime hours in December. All told, Lynch reported working 688 hours in December, for a average of 155 hours a week that month. (There are 168 hours in a week).

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Firefighters can take rest breaks during long shifts, so these extraordinary hours include some down time for sleep. PubliCola has asked SFD if there are any other factors that would account for firefighters working 120-, 130, or 150-hour weeks.

These are far from the only Seattle firefighters who reported working more than 5,000 hours last year; in the $200,000 to $300,000 range, at least 30 firefighters said they worked between 4,002 and 5,278 hours.

SFD did not respond to a request to make firefighters at the top end of the overtime range available to talk about what their shifts are like.

In 2022, the Seattle Times ran a piece about firefighters working record overtime hours the previous year—claiming that firefighters like Kieta were “forced” to work thousands of extra hours because “unprecedented staffing shortages.” At the time, the department had 1,026 firefighters, about 50 fewer than it does today. Fire department spokesperson Kristin Hanson said the department is still facing a shortage, as more officers retire and recruitment lags. Currently, she said, 130 firefighter positions are vacant, after 232 retirements between 2020 and 2024.

But that doesn’t entirely account for employees like Kieta, who the Seattle Times highlighted as the top member of what the paper called the “4,000-hour club”—firefighters who were paid for working more than 4,000 hours in a year.

While staffing shortages explain the need for overtime, they don’t explain why it’s distributed so unevenly. Nor is it clear how supervisors, or firefighters themselves, determine when excessive work hours start to affect a firefighter’s ability to do their job, including responding to emergencies.

Unlike many other city employees, firefighters can volunteer for virtually unlimited overtime. Their union contract allows them to work 60 hours in a row, take 12 hours off, and then do it again. Working that schedule, a firefighter could amass 144 hours in a week. On top of that, Hanson said, a firefighter could amass more hours, up to 168, if they worked overtime at special events or were deployed to a large emergency event, like a wildfire or natural disaster.

According to Hanson, “Overtime hiring within the Seattle Fire Department is a fair and procedural-based process” based on the firefighters’ union contract. When firefighters sign up for overtime shifts, the person with the lowest number of overtime hours gets first crack at available overtime, for instance.

“As members approach higher amounts of overtime, additional hiring rules come into play all with the focus of a fair and equitable hiring process,” Hanson said.

Beyond rules designed to give everyone at the fire department a chance at overtime, the only real limit on a firefighter’s ability to work nonstop is their own level of fatigue: Emergency responders need to be alert, and a tired firefighter, like a tired cop, could be prone to making critical (and potentially fatal) mistakes.

But the only person who determines whether a firefighter is too fatigued to work is the firefighter himself. According to the firefighters’ contract, “Members are responsible for monitoring their state of readiness. When a member’s scheduled shift falls on the second consecutive shift and the member is not adequately rested to perform their duties, the member will inform his or her supervisor and request time off using sick leave, merits or other personal compensatory time.”

If a firefighter decides they can work 144 hours in a week,  in other words, that’s up to them. And hiring more firefighters, which SFD has been doing, clearly isn’t going to stop people from trying to amass as much overtime as possible.

There’s another potential motivation, beyond earning more money in any given year, for firefighters to try to boost their pay. The size of a firefighter’s pensions most of which are managed and funded through a state system called LEOFF, is determined by their five top-paying years—a powerful incentive to boost their “high five” numbers, especially they approach the end of their careers.

The city’s spending on the fire department has increased in recent years, although Hanson says the extra overtime is balanced out by the money the department saves by not being fully staffed.

SPD Fires Officer Who Struck and Killed Pedestrian Jaahnavi Kandula Two Years Ago

photo of Jaahnavi Kandula
Jaahnavi Kandula

By Andrew Engelson

On Monday, interim Seattle Police Chief Sue Rahr sent an email to SPD staff announcing that she had fired officer Kevin Dave, who struck and killed 23-year-old graduate student Jaahnavi Kandula in a South Lake Union crosswalk in January 2023 while driving 74 miles per hour

PubliCola obtained the email, which was first reported on by The Stranger, from SPD. In it, Rahr noted that the Office of Police Accountability found that Dave had violated four SPD policies. Officers must adhere to laws; officers should modify emergency response when required; officers are responsible for the safe operation of their vehicles; and officers should use emergency lights during emergency responses.

 “I understand and accept that many will not agree with this decision,” Rahr wrote, adding that Dave was trying to get to a “possible overdose victim” and “did not intend to hurt anyone that night.” Rahr concluded, however, that “I cannot accept the tragic consequences of his dangerous driving. His positive intent does not mitigate the poor decision that caused the loss of a human life and brought discredit to the Seattle Police Department.”

The “possible overdose victim” was actually lucid and standing outside his South Lake Union apartment building when he called 911 to say he was “freaking out” on cocaine, telling the 911 dispatcher that his symptoms were “starting to go away.”

PubliCola previously reported that SPD knew before hiring Dave that he had been fired from the Tucson Police Department in 2013 for a “checkered past” that included discipline for several incidents, including one for a “preventable” collision. Dave was also questioned in an erratic driving incident after his firing; a Tucson police officer who spoke with Dave reported that he “appeared to be on some type of narcotic.” PubliCola also found that at the time of the collision with Kandula, Dave did not have a valid Washington driver’s license.

King County Prosecutor Leesa Manion declined to press charges against Dave. City Attorney Ann Davison issued Dave a $5,000 second-degree negligent driving ticket, which he initially challenged, but later agreed to pay.

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Kandula’s killing became an international outrage after police union vice president Daniel Auderer was caught on a body cam video taken shortly after the crash joking with police union president Mike Solan that SPD should “write a check for $11,000” because the young woman had “limited value.” Last July, Rahr fired Auderer, who responded with a $20 million tort claim for wrongful termination. 

In September, Kandula’s family announced they were suing the city of Seattle for $110 million plus $11,000, in a direct reference to Auderer’s comment about her “limited value.”

A PubliCola analysis of GPS data from SPD vehicles during the month of January 2023, when Kandula was killed, found that officers, including Auderer, regularly drive at excessive and dangerous speeds. In November, SPD updated its emergency vehicle operations policy, which had been extremely vague—instructing officers to  “drive no faster than their skill and training allows and [what] is reasonably necessary to safely arrive at the scene.”