Harrell’s “Emergency” Legislation on Covenants that Limit Grocery Store Sizes Won’t Address Seattle’s Food Deserts

This new apartment building in Greenwood, anchored by a Trader Joe’s, is one of two sites the mayor used as a example of restrictive covenants that may contribute to food deserts. The other example, an abandoned Albertson’s in Haller Lake, is now a Sprouts.

By Erica C. Barnett

Yesterday—fresh off a campaign debate at which he asserted that “Trump will walk all over” his opponent, Katie Wilson—Mayor Bruce Harrell announced legislation to ban restrictive, anti-competitive covenants that, he said, are contributing to the lack of pharmacies and grocery stores in certain parts of the city.

“When a company closes a grocery store or pharmacy, they can add a restrictive covenant into a property’s deed or lease that blocks a new grocery or pharmacy from locating at the same place,” Harrell said in a statement announcing the new legislation. “They do this to block competitors, and these actions harm neighborhoods and contribute to grocery and pharmacy deserts.”

Seattle, like other cities, has a growing number of food and pharmacy “deserts” due to a series of consolidations and closures by grocery and pharmacy chains. Rite Aid, which bought Bartell Drugs, has closed at least 40 stores in Washington over the past few months, including every Bartell store. Kroger, which owns Fred Meyer, recently announced plans to close dozens of stores across the country, including several in the Seattle area.

In his announcement, Harrell noted the existence of “at least two covenants restricting … the square footage of any future grocery store at that location for as long as 50 years.”

Curious, we asked for these two examples. Both are currently North Seattle grocery stores.

The first, a Sprouts store that opened in 2020 in North Seattle’s Haller Lake neighborhood, filled a space that had been vacant since the Albertson’s supermarket that had been there closed in 2018. While the covenant on the property, located at N 130th St. and Aurora Ave N, does restrict any grocery to less than 28,000 square feet for 20 years, the rest of the once-vacant space has now been filled by a HomeGoods store—not my personal idea of a highest and best use, but in keeping with the strip-mall built environment of this area just south of Shoreline.

Grocery stores in the immediate vicinity of the Sprouts include an Amazon Fresh, an Asian Family Market, a US ChefStore retail-wholesaler, and several smaller grocers specializing in Ethiopian, Latin American, and Eastern European foods. There’s also a Safeway and a Town and Country Market a couple miles north in Shoreline, a straight shot up Aurora Ave. N. That’s still too far to qualify as convenient, but the area now has one more grocery option than it did a couple years ago, when the old Albertson’s was just a vacant building.

The second covenant Harrell cited in his announcement is also now a grocery store—Trader Joe’s, at the corner of N 87th St. and Greenwood Ave. N, in the heart of the Greenwood neighborhood. The TJ’s, which replaced a single-story, car-oriented Safeway, anchors a new mixed-use development with nearly 300 new apartments. The company did have to comply with a covenant restricting its size to 20,000 square feet, but that’s actually is on the generous side for Trader Joe’s. And fortunately for those who want a big-supermarket experience, there’s a large Fred Meyer store just four blocks away.

PubliCola is supported entirely by readers like you.
CLICK BELOW to become a one-time or monthly contributor.

Support PubliCola

 

A spokesman for HSD told PubliCola that Trader Joe’s and Sprouts don’t accept benefits under WIC (the Women, Infants, and Children Nutrition Program), which helps pregnant people and new parents buy healthy foods, because they don’t meet WIC’s minimum stocking requirements. That’s a real issue, but it’s related to company policy, not store size. Many large supermarkets in Seattle don’t accept WIC benefits, and some very small convenience stores do; changing WIC policies (for instance, by requiring participation or making it easier for stores to qualify and stay in compliance) is a federal issue, not the purview of the city.

Harrell’s proposal, which Council President Sara Nelson has said she’ll sponsor, won’t hurt anything—and maybe, at some future date, it will even stop a grocery store that’s closing from adding a restrictive covenant in a neighborhood where groceries are actually in short supply. But the legislation, and the flurry of stories that accompanied it, does create the illusory apperaance that the city is taking meaningful action on food deserts, which are primarily in southeast and southwest Seattle, not north of the Ship Canal.

The problem in these areas isn’t that smaller grocery stores are replacing big ones, but that there aren’t enough places to get groceries or fill prescriptions, period. (On Rainier Ave. S. alone, two Rite Aids and a Bartell have closed in recent years and have not been replaced.) Bringing grocery stores and pharmacies back to the parts of town profit-seeking corporations have abandoned won’t be as simple as telling them they can’t restrict the size of future stores when they close.

As a side note, an actual proposed new grocery store in Wedgwood has been mired in the city’s design review process for months. The local design review board finally allowed the project to go forward, subject to future conditions, this week, but not before hours of discussion over whether to make the developer move a proposed child care center, whether to require an on-site restaurant to be open specific hours, and whether to allow “pictures of produce” in store windows —along with, as always, debates over aesthetic details like what type brick the developer can use. Which just goes to show: Even when a company wants to open a grocery store in Seattle, the Seattle Process is often stacked against it.

 

Homelessness Agency Director Gets Sternly Worded Letter and “Executive Coach” After Investigation Into Racial Bias Complaints

By Erica C. Barnett

On Friday, the governing board of the King County Regional Homelessness Authority, made up mostly of elected officials from around the county, voted to resolve four workplace misconduct complaints against KCRHA CEO Kelly Kinnison with “a letter reminding her of the organization’s policy on retaliation,” King County Executive Shannon Braddock said during a special board meeting last Friday.

Kinnison will also have to participate in executive coaching through the end of the year. The coach, hired before KCRHA had completed its investigation, will cost KCRHA $67,500 and will also do an organizational assessment of the agency.

A four-member panel of KCRHA board members—Braddock, Seattle Deputy Mayor Tiffany Washington, Renton City Councilmember Ed Prince, and Auburn Human Services Director Kent Hay—came up with the disciplinary recommendation.

On Friday, Braddock noted that KCRHA had also retained three outside attorneys to work on the investigation. As we reported in August, Kinnison told the agency’s general counsel, Edmund Witter, that he could no longer work on HR issues shortly after he and other agency staff raised concerns about possible racial bias in Kinnison’s hiring decisions.

PubliCola is supported entirely by readers like you.
CLICK BELOW to become a one-time or monthly contributor.

Support PubliCola

 

PubliCola has filed records requests for the letter sent to Kinnison, which was not included in the public governing board agenda; the cost to hire three outside attorneys; and the final report on the investigation, also not included in the public agenda packet.

Staffers filed complaints against Kinnison after she proposed creating two new executive positions, with salaries of $200,000, and directly hiring two white men to fill them, including one who was reportedly allowed to write his own job description. Staff questioned whether these two new top-level positions were necessary at a time when the KCRHA could be facing significant cuts lower on the agency’s org chart. They also argued that if the new positions were truly necessary, there were qualified people of color already working at the agency who could take on those jobs.

Deputy KCRHA CEO Simon Foster raised similar concerns in an email to Kinnison, writing that “[b]ringing on additional high salaried executive roles during this time may compromise our fiscal credibility and sustainability.”

Additionally, Foster wrote, the hires could call into question KCRHA’s “commitment to equity, not just in outcomes, but in process and leadership composition.”

At least one of the four complainants—Xochitl Maykovich, who left the agency last month—accused Kinnison of retaliation, which was the subject of disciplinary letter Kinnison received.

Only King County Councilmember Jorge Barón voted against Kinnison’s slap-on-the-wrist discipline, saying, “I agree with the personnel committee’s assessment that disciplinary action is warranted.  However, I believe further action is warranted and respectfully disagree with the recommended disciplinary action in this motion.” Barón later clarified to PubliCola that he did not mean that Kinnison should be fired, but that the discipline should have gone further than executive coaching and a sternly worded letter.

Seattle Nice: Harrell’s Election-Year Budget, King County’s RealPage Ban, and Mayor Pete’s Endorsement

 

By Erica C. Barnett

On this week’s episode of Seattle Nice, we discussed Mayor Bruce Harrell’s election-year budget proposal, a one-year plan for 2026 that increases spending by more than $50 million, including “one-time” programs that will almost certainly require ongoing funds. Harrell’s budget also adds $26 million to hire new police officers, on top of the Seattle Police Department’s existing budget; public safety, including police and fire, now makes up more than half the city’s discretionary budget.

The one-time spending in Harrell’s budget includes temporary funding for programs that are likely to lose federal funding under the Trump Administration, as well as assistance for immigrants being targeted by the federal government. These needs are likely to accelerate, rather than diminish, over the next several years.

Sandeep and I actually agreed that the city should be doing more to address future budget deficits (Harrell’s budget, not counting the one-time funds, assumes a deficit that will grow from $140 million in 2027 to $374 million in 2029). Where we departed ways was on the question of whether the city should be “”goring some oxes” in the budget by telling some human services organizations they’re “not going to get money because we’re not seeing results. … I think there would be a human cry coming from the progressive side saying, this is austerity budget[ing]. ”

While it’s definitely true that slashing the city’s budget for human services would anger progressives, I argued that the call for cuts seems to always focus on programs designed to help people directly with needs like food, housing, and other basic needs, rather than departments like SPD, whose funding only goes up every year. (Police are always a sacred cow, never a gored ox). This year, public safety departments will consume more than half the city’s discretionary budget, with SPD accounting for half that amount, at $486 million.

Perhaps the city could reduce some of this year’s expansion plans for SPD, I suggested, by taking a peek into the extremely opaque police budget and finding some money there; personally, I’d stop the CCTV surveillance program, which Harrell added to the budget as a new ongoing obligation last year, and look for other places where money is sitting unused or being spent ineffectively.

We also talked about the King County Council’s recent vote to ban the use of rent-pricing software like RealPage. David noted that bans on rent-fixing software are similar to “trust-busting,” in which the federal government cracked down on mergers, price-fixing, and other anti-competitive practices. Landlords use algorithmic pricing tools to charge the highest rent possible, a rate that can vary day by day—much like Ticketmaster, Expedia, and Uber use “dynamic” pricing to determine the price of tickets, flights, hotels, and rides.

Finally, we all issued our verdict on former transportation secretary Pete Buttigieg’s endorsement of Harrell. Our assessment: A big “whatever.”

Former Councilmember Moore Edited Legislation, Wrote Interview Questions for Her Potential Successors, After Leaving

Former Councilmember Cathy Moore

By Erica C. Barnett

Former City Councilmember Cathy Moore, who quit the council, effective July 7, after serving just a year and a half of her four-year term, continued to lobby her former colleagues, and even work on legislation, after she stepped down, emails PubliCola obtained through a records request reveal.

PubliCola and other outlets have reported on the infamous email Moore sent to Councilmember Mark Solomon, who took over Moore’s leadership of the council’s housing and human services committee after she left, pressuring him not to seat members of the city’s Renters Commission whose appointments Moore had refused to consider during her time as head of the committee.

In that email, she told Solomon that she thought he was on board with her plan to dismantle the renters’ commission and replace it with one dominated by landlords, blaming “[t]he current disastrous situation so many non-profit and small for-profit housing providers find themselves in” on “the advocacy of the commission for rental laws uninformed by the knowledge and experience of the housing providers implementing those laws.”

The additional, newly obtained records reveal that Moore continued to exert her influence with other council members, particularly Northeast Seattle rep Maritza Rivera, and weigh in on legislation after she left office. The documents show that Moore edited two controversial Rivera amendments to the comprehensive plan designed to place more restrictions on developers’ ability to remove trees. Moore also wrote =the questions Rivera asked candidates during the selection process for Moore’s replacement on the council.

The city’s post-employment rules prohibit former city employees from participating in matters they worked on as part of their prior employment for two years after leaving the city. Examples of prohibited behavior include advising or working on legislation.

However, Seattle Ethics and Elections Commission Director Wayne Barnett said he doesn’t think those prohibitions would apply in Moore’s situation “because she is assisting the City, not anyone else, such as a private company or lobbying firm.

“Former employees are routinely tapped for their expertise after they retire,” Barnett continued. “If we were to decide that this back and forth between CM Rivera and former CM Moore was a violation of the Ethics Code, or that former CM Moore cannot write her former colleagues about the fate of the renter’s commission, it would have dramatic repercussions for every former City employee, the latter especially. I would need to train that communicating with the City on issues where you have expertise after you leave is illegal.”

PubliCola is supported entirely by readers like you.
CLICK BELOW to become a one-time or monthly contributor.

Support PubliCola

 

Moore’s attempts to influence the council immediately after quitting the council are unusual, and fly in the face of her frequent statements that as the elected representative for District 5, she served as her constituents’ voice on the council. Debora Juarez now occupies Moore’s former seat, and generally voted in favor of amendments to the city’s comprehensive plan that supported more density, the opposite of how Moore generally voted. She also voted against one of the amendments by Maritza Rivera that Moore worked on after she left, amendment 93. Which raises the question: By working at cross purposes to her successor, is Moore undercutting her former constituents’ new voice on the council?

When she was still on the council, Moore was a vocal advocate against aspects of the comprehensive plan that would allow more density in residential neighborhoods, arguing that allowing small apartment buildings in Maple Leaf, for example, was tantamount to “sacrificing” the North Seattle neighborhood. She also sided with Rivera on tree protections, fighting for restrictions on tree removal that would result directly in less housing in Seattle’s traditional single-family neighborhoods.

Moore’s work on comp plan amendments affecting density and trees began shortly after she left office in July.

For example, on August 1, 2025, Rivera’s chief of staff Wendy Sykes sent Moore a copy of a tree-related amendment Rivera planned to introduce as part of legislation to implement the city’s comprehensive plan. Moore sent the amendment on to Sandy Shettler, an activist who has lobbied the council for protecting trees, typically at the expense of housing. That proposed change eventually surfaced as Amendment 93, one of two controversial Rivera amendments to limit the amount of housing that can be built when a tree is present on a lot.

Moore sent herself a copy of another set of tree-related amendments at 4:30 in the afternoon of her final day in office, forwarding two amendments proposed by arborist and tree activist Andrea Starbird to her personal address. Moore forwarded the amendments to Rivera on July 21, writing:

Hi Maritza,

Attached is the tree amendment proposal I was working from when I left. I spoke with [central staffer Ketil Freeman] and HB about potentially drafting three separate amendments from this proposal. This is in addition to a mandatory “treed area” for preservation/planting with flexible setbacks and height or [floor-area ration] incentives. I’m still looking for anything in writing regarding those ideas, but we did have a good conversation about those ideas and I think they were comfortable proceeding with drafting some language.

Best

Cathy

On August 1, Moore sent an email to Rivera’s private email address with the subject line “Proposed tree ordinance amendments,” along with this note:

Dear Maritza,

As a former colleague who was deeply engaged in the work of improving the tree ordinance, thank you for extending me the professional courtesy of an opportunity to provide my feedback on your draft proposal. After conferring with subject matter experts and others concerned about tree canopy, I have attached my suggested edits to the proposal. Please let me know if you have any questions about the suggestions or if I can be of any assistance. Thank you!

Best,

Cathy

The records provided by the city’s legislative department didn’t include the amendment itself (we’ve requested it), but the email alone makes clear that Moore was directly editing city legislation after she left office. Moore also sent her proposed changes, titled “Amendment 4 – Tree Protections CMMR 7-31 edits.docx,” to Shettler.

Another document, a draft of a Rivera amendment, 102, that would have given the director of the city’s Department of Construction and Inspections (SDCI) the ability to force developers to come up with “alternate site plans” that preserve trees at any point in the development process, includes two comments and apparent amendments by Moore, identified as “CM” in the margins.

One, allowing the SDCI director to require a secondary tree protection review by an arborist before a development can move forward, made it into the final version of the comp plan legislation.

Neither Moore nor Rivera responded to PubliCola’s emailed questions.

Moore didn’t just continue weighing in on and editing legislation after she resigned from the council. She also sent six questions for Rivera to ask the applicants for appointment to her council seat, focusing on trees, sex workers on Aurora, neighborhood centers in the comprehensive plan, and crime. During a council question-and-answer session with the candidates on July 22, which started shortly after Moore sent her questions to Rivera, Rivera read five of Moore’s questions virtually verbatim, giving the departed council member a voice at the table when the council was choosing her successor.

Moore also emailed Mayor Bruce Harrell, police chief Shon Barnes, several council members, and other city officials shortly before midnight on the night after her final day in office, urging him to take a series of actions on the Aurora corridor.

“Dear Bruce,” the email begins. “Please immediately close the streets from 95th through 107th. Please immediately implement the SDOT reader board messages notifying drivers/buyers that they are in a SOAP area. Please implement the Prostitution Prevention and Awareness campaign designed by VICE, [the city attorney’s office], and [public safety] Director [Natalie] Walton-Anderson. Please add loitering for the purposes of prostitution to the nuisance ordinance.”

Had Moore chosen to stay in office, she could have worked on all those things through the legislative process rather than lobbying the mayor after she left.

Black-Led Group Responds to Mayor’s Claim They “Darkened” His Skin; Real Estate-Backed Harrell PAC Tops $1 Million; Police Chief Disparages PubliCola

1. On Friday, Mayor Bruce Harrell accused his opponent, Katie Wilson, of “darkening” his photo in a social media post, blaming her for “another chapter in the troubling history of manipulating skin color to dehumanize candidates of color” like himself. The image Harrell circulated, an Instagram post by the Black-led progressive nonprofit Common Power, made his skin looked unnaturally orange.

In a statement, Harrell campaign manager Marta Johnson said, “We are asking the Wilson Campaign and Common Power to immediately retract the manipulated image and apologize for the clear intent to darken Bruce’s skin tone. There is no excuse to alter the tone of a candidate’s skin, especially given the troubling history of racist intent behind these types of manipulations.”

Harrell made the accusation again during a debate on Saturday at the Royal Room in Southeast Seattle, saying she had used the “common tactic—to darken my image in a regular picture, to make me look ominous, okay?”

The practice of darkening Black and brown people’s skin tone in photographs has a long and ignominious history based in colorism and the racist idea that darker-skinned people are more threatening than those with lighter skin. The most famous example comes from Time magazine, which dramatically darkened OJ Simpson’s skin color on its cover in 1994.

Beyond the screen shot, Harrell presented no evidence for his claims.

On Sunday, Common Power director Charles Douglas responded to Harrell’s accusation that his group had darkened Harrell’s skin to make him look “ominous”: “The claim that we ‘darkened’ Mayor Harrell’s photo is both offensive and untrue. As a Black man leading an organization primarily run by people of color, I know firsthand the harm caused when racial tropes are weaponized in politics.”

“To suggest that Common Power engaged in such tactics is a sensationalist smear that reeks of desperation from a mayor who has repeatedly contributed to inequality and hurt the very communities he now claims to represent.” On Sunday, Common Power and the 36th District Democrats swapped out the photo of Halloween Harrell for a less orange version.

The source for the image appears to have been a story by the (UK) Independent about the 2021 mayor’s race. The photo appears to have been taken in low light at this debate, creating the unnaturally orange cast.

Smartphone photos taken by several different people in similar conditions at Saturday’s low-light debate at the Royal Room made both Harrell and Wilson look orange, with Harrell’s black hair coming through as grayish in the photos. For example, a reader contributed this photo of Harrell checking in on the Huskies game during the debate; my own, unedited iPhone photos, taken from the front row, turned Harrell an even more extreme orange color and tinted Wilson orange as well.

PubliCola is supported entirely by readers like you.
CLICK BELOW to become a one-time or monthly contributor.

Support PubliCola

 

2. As I reported on Bluesky last week (seriously, follow me there for the latest breaking news, short news items, and live coverage of everything from mayoral debates to the council’s budget deliberations), the  business-backed political action committee supporting Mayor Bruce Harrell, Bruce Harrell for Seattle’s Future, has raised more than a million to defeat Harrell’s challenger, Katie Wilson. Most of that money, $554,000, has come in since the beginning of September—revealing a rush to fill the pro-Harrell campaign’s coffers after the mayor’s dispiriting 41 percent showing in the August primary.

The biggest donations to the PAC, which is separate from Harrell’s official campaign, come from real estate advocacy groups, development and property management companies and their current or retired CEOs, and land-use attorneys who work for real-estate interests. Overall, real-estate interests contributed at least $592,000 of the $1,080,500 the PAC has collected so far. Tech companies and their leaders, including retired tech company founders as well as current executives like Microsoft CEO Brad Smith, gave another $257,000, at a minimum.

A majority of the 218 contributors to the pro-Harrell PAC listed their occupations as “retired” (59 total) or did not list their occupations (56 total), so the true percentage of both real estate interests and tech company executives is almost certainly higher than the ones I was able to confirm.

A pro-Wilson PAC, Katie Wilson for an Affordable Seattle, has raised about $85,000.

3. During a meeting about the city’s police department budget on Monday, Seattle Police Chief Shon Barnes responded to a question from Council President Sara Nelson by saying he couldn’t answer it because Nelson cited PubliCola as her source.

I came across an article in PubliCola … that mentioned [the city’s proposed contract with the south King County jail] SCORE, and I wanted some information on this,” Nelson said.I think that it mentioned that we are no longer depending on that contract. Is that the case?” 

In response, Barnes told Nelson he would not answer her question, forcing her to reframe her factual question about SCORE. “I’ll be clear. I do not read PubliCola, so I won’t respond to that,” Barnes said. After Barnes answered the rest of Nelson’s questions, but not the one about SCORE,  budget director Dan Eder had to jump in and answer in the affirmative. 

Barnes’ dismissive comment about PubliCola was the first time I can recall, in this publication’s 16-year history, that a department director has used a public meeting to disparage us directly. SPD’s communications department has reportedly stopped including stories from PubliCola in the department’s daily news clippings email, and in a recent social media post, Barnes said he wouldn’t be “swayed by opinions, criticism, lies, or the stories that others may fabricate.” He added, cryptically, “This is my leadership journey and you won’t make me quit! The battle is not mine.. It’s the Lords!”

PubliCola will, of course, continue to apply a critical lens to SPD and other city departments in our coverage, as we have since 2009.

 

This Week on PubliCola: September 27, 2025

Cascade PBS Ditches Local News, Harrell Budget Pushes off Tough Choices, Right-Wing Activist Tests Anti-Trans Messaging, and More

By Erica C. Barnett

Monday, September 22

City’s Growth Plan Update Maintains Seattle’s Suburban Character, Including Mandatory Parking

After a whirlwind of meetings to consider more than 100 amendments, the city council passed the first part of a 10-year comprehensive plan update that will allow small apartment buildings in about 30 new “neighborhood centers,” along with a few other modest concessions to the fact that Seattle is a growing, renter-majority city, not a small town with suburban neighborhoods connected by “urban villages.”

Cascade PBS Lays Off News Staff, Citing Federal Cuts

Cascade PBS, which owns the 18-year-old news website Crosscut, announced it will be eliminating all local news coverage and laying off 16 news staffers. While Cascade justified the decision by citing $3.5 million in federal funding cuts, critics asked why the station couldn’t cut elsewhere, or delay cuts in light of a recent surge in donations.

Tuesday, September 23

Seattle Nice: CARE Team Expansion and a Missed Opportunity for Neighborhood Businesses

On this week’s podcast, we discussed Mayor Bruce Harrell’s recent proposal to raise sales taxes 0.1 cents—as authorized earlier this year by Gov. Bob Ferguson—to fund, among other public-safety programs, the expansion of the CARE team, a group of social workers that responds to calls that don’t require police. We also dug in on the council’s rejection of a comp plan amendment that would have allowed new corner stores to stay open past 10pm and allow bars close to where house owners live.

Wednesday, September 24

Harrell’s Latest Budget Spikes City’s Deficit by Piling On New Spending In Election Year

Mayor Bruce Harrell’s election-year budget, released in a slick Seattle Channel-produced video on Tuesday, piles on even more new programs than last year’s despite ongoing revenue shortfalls as the nation heads toward a possible recession. The budget plunges the city into the red immediately after next year, and funds many critical long-term needs, such as immigrant protections, with one-time funds.

PubliCola is supported entirely by readers like you.
CLICK BELOW to become a one-time or monthly contributor.

Support PubliCola

 

Thursday, September 25

The Siren Song of Forced Drug Treatment

In a guest editorial, HaRRT Center co-director Susan E. Collins explained why calls to forcibly remove people from the streets and place them in locked treatment facilities are misplaced. An expert in her field who is sober herself, Collins brings stats and research to an emotional conversation about how to help people who may appear incapable of helping themselves.

Mayoral Candidate Wilson Withdraws from KOMO-Sponsored Debate, Citing Sinclair’s Censorship of Jimmy Kimmel

Katie Wilson announced that she wouldn’t participate in a debate co-sponsored by Sinclair affiliate KOMO TV unless the conservative media company reversed its decision to pre-empt Jimmy Kimmel’s show. (Harrell said she was being “hypocritical” because she supported moving an anti-trans hate rally in the city’s LGBTQ neighborhood to a different park.) Sinclair reinstated Kimmel the following day.

Friday, September 26

New Poll Tests Messages on Initiatives Opposing Trans Girls in Sports, Student Privacy

Brian Heywood, the right-wing megadonor who tried to kill the state’s long-term health insurance and Climate Commitment Act through voter initiatives last year, is testing messages for two new initiatives this year. The first would ban tran girls from school sports; the second would allow parents to snoop into their kids’ school counseling records, among other privacy violations. One test message claims that “men” are now playing against girls in public schools.

Digging into Harrell’s Campaign “They Aren’t From Here” Homelessness Talking Point

In campaign messaging and in his budget speech (arguably a campaign speech in itself!) Harrell has claimed that 70 percent of people who are homeless in Seattle are actually from somewhere else, using the stat as an argument that Seattle is doing more than its fair share to address a countywide homelessness problem. But that statistic turns out to be deeply flawed.

Councilmember Rivera Questions 2026 Funding for CARE Team, LEAD Diversion, and Equitable Development Initiative

City Councilmember Maritza Rivera launched into the council’s 2026 budget process by telling city department staffers that she still lacks enough information, nearly two years into her term, to know whether the LEAD diversion program, the CoLEAD encampment resolution program, and the Equitable Development Initiative are working. She also said she doesn’t support “Housing First,” then described it—inaccurately—as handing out housing to people with complex needs and leaving them there.