Mayor Bruce Harrell turns to address a group of new SPD recruits at a hiring announcement Monday.
1. Earlier this week, we reported that the Seattle Police Department has only managed to hire five women, out of 60 new recruits, so far this year—a result that falls far short of the city’s “30 by 30” goal of having a 30-percent female recruit class by 2030. (To meet that goal, SPD would have had to hire 25 women so far; the five women represent 8 percent of the new recruits.
But the story is actually worse than that, because women are actually leaving the department at a much faster rate than SPD is recruiting new women to replace them.
In 2025 so far, according to the mayor’s office, 24 people have left SPD. Five of those were women. So not only does the net increase in female officers this year stand at zero, more than 20 percent of the people who have left the department are women. Put another way: SPD is losing women far faster than it is replacing them.
New police chief Shon Barnes said this week that the department was looking at why some women don’t pass recruiting requirements and may “give them another look,” adding that lots of departments have trouble hiring women.
He didn’t address ways the department could make women more likely to apply for jobs in the first place, since the real issue isn’t so much that women are applying and failing but that women don’t see SPD as a good place to work and advance their careers—understandably so.
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2. The final state budget adopted by the legislature last week failed to restore funding for a critical program that has successfully moved hundreds of unsheltered people indoors.
The program, a collaboration that includes Purpose Dignity Action, REACH, and the King County Regional Homelessness Authority, resolves encampments in state rights-of-way by providing sustained outreach, intensive case management, and hotel-based shelter to former encampment residents. Unlike Seattle’s policy of aggressive sweeps, the program sticks with people and gets them indoors long-term; since 2022, more than two-thirds of the people in the program remain housed.
The budget the state legislature passed reduced funding for the program from $75 million to $45 million, which is just enough to continue services for people already enrolled in the program, but not enough to keep the “front door” open by resolving new encampments in the future.
Carolanne Sanders Lundgren, PDA’s chief campaigns officer, said that while nearly everyone, including people living in encampments, “agree that no one should be living in those conditions,” the systems that are in place to deal with encampments “do not do a good enough job of connecting people to real help that makes sense for their lives and circumstances.”
By slashing funds to the program, Sanders Lundgren said, the budget “halts all progress. The bigger picture is that as social and economic instability continue to grow, the need for resources like [right-of-way] outreach and temporary lodging–which provide immediate relief and a bridge to long-term stability–will only increase.”
Her again: Tanya Woo has filed for the city’s public financing program after losing elections in 2023 and 2024.
1.UPDATE As of Monday night, Woo’s name no longer appeared on the city’s campaign website, where it appeared briefly on Monday afternoon, or or on the city’s democracy voucher page.
Tanya Woo is apparently trying a fourth time to get on the city council, after voters rejected her in 2023 (when she lost to Tammy Morales in District 2) and 2024 (when she lost to Alexis Mercedes Rinck for a citywide council seat.) In between those campaigns, the newly elected centrist council appointed her to citywide Position 9, in a direct rebuke to the voters who had just chosen Morales over her.
Woo has not filed for office yet, according to campaign records, but she is listed as a candidate for the position on the city’s Democracy Vouchers website, where she has indicated she will be seeking public funds for her campaign. Candidates for district council seats must collect 150 signatures and campaign donations of at least $10 to qualify.
After winning appointment from her fellow centrists in a pantomime of public process that wasted city time and resources vetting seven candidates who never stood a chance, Woo had an unremarkable 10 months on the council, casting votes in favor of the council’s new law-and-order agenda but proposing no significant legislation of her own, beyond a dead-on-arrival proposal to create special “no-protest zones” around councilmembers’ homes.
Woo also claimed to be the victim of a “xenophobic” hate crime when someone wrote “Tanya Woo hates black people!” and “Fuck Tanya Woo” on the outside of the apartment building her family owns in the Chinatown-International District. During the budget process, Woo opposed Morales’ proposal to study anti-displacement measures for at-risk homeowners as part of the city’s comprehensive plan—saying the proposed environmental impact study (EIS) would “help inform, but not do what we think it’s going to do, based on what I’ve been hearing recently” before asking what an EIS was.
The other candidates who have also filed for Position 2, currently filled by “caretaker” appointee Mark Solomon, are Bruce Harrell transportation advisor Adonis Ducksworth, assistant city attorney Eddie Lin, and real-estate investor Takayo Ederer; all three previously sought appointment to the open seat.
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2. Rinck convened the first meeting of the council’s new Select Committee on Federal Administration and Policy Changes last week, bringing advocates for reproductive rights, the LGBTQ+ community, and immigrants together to discuss the thrriskeats the Trump administration poses to vulnerable people in Seattle.
The threats are well known. Trans people risk losing access to gender-affirming care across the country, and even in Washington state, there are laws on the books that allow forced outing of LGBTQ+ kids and students seeking gender-affirming care.
Health care, similarly, is the line, as Trump threatens to pull federal Medicaid funding from any provider that offers abortions or gender-affirming care. As Courtney Normand, director of Planned Parenthood Alliance Advocates Washington, noted at least week’s meeting. “About 40 percent of all Planned Parenthood patients are Medicaid patients, so [the loss of Medicaid funding] is an existential threat to our ability to be safety-net health care providers at all in Washington and across the country.”
For undocumented immigrants in Seattle, the threat is similarly existential. Although Seattle is a “welcoming city” for immigrants—meaning, primarily, that city employees, including cops, aren’t allowed to inquire about anyone’s immigration status—ICE raids have already hit the city, according to the immigrants’ rights advocates on last week’s panel.
“We received reports of ice appearing in people’s workplaces, including a restaurant in downtown Seattle,” Vanessa Reyes, policy manager for the Washington Immigrant Solidarity Network, said. “We’ve gotten reports of people getting deported very quickly after detention, being sent to detentions in other states, and those who have sent to the detention center in Tacoma reporting unsafe and unsanitary conditions.”
In many cases, the solutions, where they exist, are at the state level—through lawsuits by the state Attorney General’s Office, expanded shield laws for people who help others get health care they can’t access in their own states, and laws protecting students at school, including needed revisions to the so-called parental rights bill, a right-wing initiative the state senate passed unanimously last year.
At the city level, though, the advocates who spoke last week proposed changing laws and policies the current city council just put in place, like new live camera surveillance, expansion of automated license plate readers, and the use of police to crack down on people with addiction, men who pay for sex, and people who commit crimes that are often linked to poverty, like shoplifting.
“One thing that’s really going to have a negative impact on our community members are the ways in which people can be subject to mandatory detention without bond, just for having been arrested for a crime such as shoplifting—not even convicted, but just potentially being accused and arrested, Jenny Mashek, directing attorney with the Northwest Immigrant Rights Project, said.
Sami Alloy, the interim executive director of Pro-Choice Washington, added that she wanted to see the city “curtailing the surveillance of Seattle residents” by limiting the use of technologies like automatic license plate readers,” which could potentially be used to undermine the state’s shield law.
And Taylor Farley, the executive director of Queer Power Alliance, said, “We need to maintain and strengthen our local tenant protections, not to roll back what we’ve already put in [place]. We’ve put those protections in because they were needed at the time, and they’re still needed and they’re going to be needed for the future.”
The council has called for more policing, more surveillance, and more emphasis on arrests for low-level crimes, including banishment orders that restrict people from going into certain areas of the city even if they haven’t been convicted of a crime. The council is also considering rollbacks to existing tenant protections, including the winter eviction moratorium, maximum late fees, and the “first in time” rule that requires landlords to rent to the first qualified candidate.
Councilmember Cathy Moore, who supported all the policies advocates identified as areas of concern, disputed some of the advocates’ characterizations before asking them about concrete actions the council could take to help fund or advocate for things like gender-affirming care. “We don’t always agree, and I would certainly heartily disagree with some of the representations that have been made, but I’m not going to take this opportunity to go into that,” Moore said.
Shon Barnes, Mayor Bruce Harrell’s pick for police chief
By Erica C. Barnett
Last week, Mayor Bruce Harrell announced that, for the first time since before the COVID pandemic, more people are entering the Seattle Police Department than leaving it—precisely one more person, but still a step in the right direction for advocates of a larger police force. However, a closer look at those numbers reveals that the latest group of applicants, as well as the smaller cohort that makes it through the hiring process, are still overwhelmingly male—a bad sign for the city’s goal of having an incoming recruit class that’s 30 percent women by 2030.
According to numbers provided by the mayor’s office, 86 percent of the 84 new officers hired in 2024 were men, and 14 percent were women. Those numbers closely mirror the larger group that applied for police jobs last year; women also represented 14 percent of that group, with 84 percent identifying as male, 0.7 percent as trans or nonbinary, and 1 percent declining to identify their gender.
SPD has signed on to the national 30X 30 initiative, committing to have a recruit class that’s 30 percent women by 2030. It’s a lofty goal for an overwhelmingly male department whose culture has been described by women who work there as misogynistic, discriminatory, and rife with sexual harassment.
SPD’s most recent permanent chief, Adrian Diaz, was removed from his job after being accused of sexual harassment and discrimination, and finally got fired last year after an investigation revealed he had an inappropriate relationship with a woman he hired and promoted and lied to investigators to cover it up.
Mayor Bruce Harrell has touted the gender-equalizing credentials of his police chief nominee, Shon Barnes, who was police chief in Madison, Wisconsin for just under four years. ” Chief Barnes brings proven experience advancing the Madison Police Department’s inclusive workforce initiative that has resulted in 28% of officers being women,” Harrell said in his announcement.
In reality, Madison’s police force has been a national anomaly for decades, and hit the 28 percent level Harrell credited to Barnes four years before Barnes joined the department in 2021. Madison’s recruit class was 35 percent female in 2023 before declining to 21 percent in 2024, according to the city. Barnes may well be the best pick for Seattle’s police chief (the mayor did not reveal who any of the other candidates were prior to choosing Barnes, and there was no public selection process), but he didn’t create a culture where women see policing as a viable career option in Madison; he joined a department that had spent decades creating and nurturing that culture.
Seattle is a larger department with a reputation as a place where women’s complaints about misogyny, sexual harassment, and discrimination are not taken seriously. Even as he demoted former police chief Diaz because multiple women accused him of sexual harassment and discrimination, Harrell kept him on at his previous salary and praised him as a man of unimpeachable integrity. For Barnes, fixing that culture—and putting SPD on track to more than double the number of women who want to work there over the next five years—will be a more significant challenge than joining a department that has already done the work.
Former police chief Adrian Diaz answers questions at a press conference announcing his replacement by Sue Rahr.
By Andrew Engelson
Two weeks after Mayor Bruce Harrell announced he was removing Seattle police chief Adrian Diaz and replacing him, on an interim basis, with former King County Sheriff Sue Rahr, several current and former Seattle Police Department officers say Diaz established a “dictatorship” at the department in which officers who speak out against the chief and an inner circle of leadership have been demoted or subject to retaliatory investigations.
Several women have sued Diaz, along with others in the department, alleging gender discrimination and harassment.
Harrell announced that Diaz would take a new role as head of “special projects,” which were rumored to include work prepping for the FIFA World Cup in 2026. A spokesperson for SPD said “it has not been determined if he is working on the logistics for FIFA World Cup.”
The spokesperson said Rahr has not decided what rank Diaz will have when he returns or what his salary will be; currently, Diaz’ salary is around $340,000 a year.
One SPD officer who used to be part of SPD’s command structure spoke at length with PubliCola and asked to remain anonymous because of an active lawsuit. She said she was the subject of at least five complaints to the Office of Police Accountability (OPA) in a period of two months, which she claims were in retaliation for speaking up against Diaz and his circle of advisers.
“The chief surrounds himself with very, very loyal subjects who will not question any of his activities or any of his decisions,” she said. “Any dissenting voices are immediately silenced.”
Though Diaz is no longer chief, that core leadership circle remains. The high-ranking officer said that without further staffing changes, the pattern of retaliation and frivolous OPA investigations will continue.
“OPA is supposed to be for serious misconduct,” the officer said. “And it has been weaponized by Adrian [Diaz], by Jamie [Tompkins], by John O’Neil, and by Dan Nelson to punish people that speak up. And to put the atmosphere of fear into everybody so that nobody will speak up,” she said.
Tompkins, a former evening news anchor for Q13 FOX, is SPD’s chief of staff; John O’Neil is communications director and co-defendant in a discrimination lawsuit filed by four female officers; Dan Nelson is an assistant chief appointed in 2023.
Tompkins and Nelson declined to comment for this story and O’Neil did not respond to a request for comment.
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In response to a question about whether a climate of retaliation exists at SPD, interim chief Rahr recently told PublCola, “I am spending time talking with as many SPD members as I can to learn why these perceptions exist so I can take steps to address them.”
Diaz and the department are currently facing at least three lawsuits by six SPD officers. These include a lawsuit former assistant chief Eric Greening filed against Diaz in May, alleging racial discrimination and retaliation; a $5 million tort claim four female officers—Valerie Carson, Judinna Gulpan, Kame Spencer, and lieutenant Lauren Trucsott—filed against Diaz, public affairs director John O’Neil, and SPD human resources director Rebecca McKechnie in April; and a gender discrimination lawsuit against Diaz filed in January by former assistant chief Deanna Nollette.
SPD and the city of Seattle are also the subject of of a race and gender discrimination lawsuit filed by detective Denise “Cookie” Bouldin, a 43-year SPD veteran.
In addition, Steven Hirjak, a former assistant chief who shot and killed 25-year-old Herbert Hightower in 2004, sued Diaz and SPD for discrimination and retaliation, and SPD settled with Hirjak for $600,000 last December.
Although interim chief Rahr told reporters at press conference announcing her appointment that she didn’t plan any changes to SPD leadership, she made it clear to PubliCola that she could make other personnel changes in the future. “If I need to make a staff change, I will make it,” Rahr said. “The mayor was very clear. He said you will have the ability to change staff as you need to.”
Rahr did act quickly to undo one recent high-profile Diaz decision, reinstating assistant chief Tyrone Davis, whom Diaz put on leave a week before Rahr’s appointment because of an open OPA complaint. The King County Sheriff’s Office confirmed that it is conducting a criminal investigation of Davis, putting the OPA complaint temporarily on hold, but declined to share details about the investigation. Davis declined to comment on the investigation.
In addition, the Pierce County prosecutor’s office confirmed that the Pierce County Sheriff’s Office is conducting a criminal investigation of assistant chief Eric Barden based on at least one OPA complaint. The office would not confirm what the allegations against Barden are. OPA declined a public records request for details on the complaint against Barden, saying, “the contents of an active investigation are categorically exempt in their entirety.”
Tammy Floyd, a former SPD lieutenant who thought she was on a path to become SPD’s first female assistant chief responsible for patrol, says a climate of misogyny and infighting among leadership pushed her out of SPD.
Floyd says she was transferred out of patrol, where she had spent her entire career, into investigations—a department in which she had no experience—soon after Diaz became interim chief in 2020. She was sent to the chaotic East Precinct, which was still recovering from the 2020 protests. “We felt abandoned in that building in the East Precinct,” Floyd said. “Nobody knew what the mission was, what the vision was. You knew that nobody in [Diaz’s] inner circle cared, that he didn’t care.”Continue reading “Officers Describe SPD Under Diaz as a “Dictatorship” Where Retaliation was Routine”→
Tension between the head of the Seattle Police Department’s communications office, Lt. John O’Neil, and his staff boiled over last year, when a detective in the division, Valerie Carson, accused him of retaliation after he addressed an internal dispute by filing a police-misconduct complaint against her.
The complaint against O’Neil, by one of just 150 or so female officers in the department, came at a time when SPD is openly struggling to recruit and retain women (of 61 officers who left last year, nearly a quarter were women), and when female officers are speaking out about what they describe as an environment of casual misogyny, discrimination, and harassment.
In a recently released report commissioned by SPD, women in the department described it as a hyper-masculine, misogynistic environment—one in which male officers frequently characterize female officers as inherently inept, comment on their appearance, and gossip about their sexual history.
Carson and O’Neil had clashed previously, including once when she failed to respond to a text while volunteering for on-call duty from a scheduled vacation on the East Coast. But the conflict reached a breaking point when Carson turned down an interview with a TV station, something she said she ordinarily had discretion to do. After a junior officer, Judinna Gulpan, told Carson she didn’t feel prepared to do the interview herself, O’Neil ordered Gulpan to tell Carson she had to do it. Carson refused again, went home, and requested medical leave for her mental health.
An hour after Carson informed O’Neil she was taking leave, O’Neil filed a complaint against her with the Office of Police Accountability, alleging that Carson had violated SPD’s policy requiring officers to obey any lawful order. (O’Neil said he was already planning to file the complaint but had been busy all day and didn’t get around to it until late that afternoon).
Citing reports from “a couple of lieutenants,” O’Neil continued, “One person said that she looked like she just came from a club, and it was a very short skirt and the shoes were inappropriate. … It was more party attire, stuff like that.” “I received complaints, which is what happened, and one of the main complainants was Chief [Adrian] Diaz—that’s who the main complainant was.”
Carson declined to speak on the record for this story. In an interview with SPD’s internal EEO investigator, Rebecca McKechnie, Carson said she declined the interview with FOX 13 News because she was stressed to the breaking point after being on call every day for months and “felt as though I could burst into tears at any moment.”
“I was not feeling well that day,” Carson told McKechnie. “I was physically, mentally and emotionally exhausted [by the] increasingly frustrating situation at work which I had already reached out to HR about. … I did not want to be at work, but I felt an obligation to stay because our office is very understaffed and because I was the most experienced person in the office.”
McKechnie also investigated O’Neil’s complaint against Carson. In his interview with McKechnie, O’Neil brought up a number of issues outside the scope of his official complaint, including whether Carson really had a legitimate mental health condition and the way she dressed.
O’Neil said Carson’s clothes were often “inappropriate,” and claimed that she “argued with me” over the requirement that she wear “business attire” when showing up to calls. “She is the face … on TV—we are the face of the department,” O’Neil said.
Citing reports from “a couple of lieutenants,” O’Neil continued, “One person said that she looked like she just came from a club, and it was a very short skirt and the shoes were inappropriate. … It was more party attire, stuff like that.”
“I received complaints, which is what happened, and one of the main complainants was Chief [Adrian] Diaz—that’s who the main complainant was.”
O’Neil acknowledged that he didn’t see the “club” gear Carson was allegedly wearing, and did not mention any evidence, such as TV footage, that would substantiate these secondhand claims. He also mentioned one instance—which is not in dispute—when Carson wore Birkenstocks and casual clothes when she showed up to an incident while off-duty.
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In his interview with McKechnie and a later email appealing OPA’s decision, O’Neil referred to Carson as “combative,” “angry,” and “hostile,” and claimed that her only “mental health condition” was being too emotional about a recent breakup. “Not a disability. A breakup,” he said.
Far from being a victim, O’Neil told investigators, Carson and two other white staffers were engaged in a racist effort to oust him and prevent him from receiving a promotion by filing baseless complaints and refusing to follow orders. (O’Neil is Black). The issues, he said, started as soon as Diaz appointed him to head the communications office in August 2022. Previously, O’Neil was in the department’s canine unit, where he was the subject of multiple EEO complaints that he called “frivolous.” (Prior to that, he was part of a nightlife safety team that, according to bar owners, cracked down on porn at gay bars on Capitol Hill.)
“This all has to do with me being a Black sergeant,” O’Neil told McKechnie.
Ultimately, both Carson’s complaint against O’Neil and O’Neil’s complaint against Carson fizzled. The OPA dismissed Carson’s complaint because they found his timeline credible, and dismissed her complaint. They recommended a “supervisor action”—effectively, a slap on the wrist—in O’Neil’s complaint against Carson, calling her refusal to do the interview “minor misconduct” at most.
In an email objecting to OPA’s decision in his case, O’Neil said investigators may not have considered the possibility that “racist undertones, biases, and mistreatment due to color” were the reason three white staffers were “giving me and [Gulpan] (Asian) a hard time and ultimately being insubordinate.” PubliCola was unable to reach Gulpan for comment.
OPA director Gino Betts said he couldn’t comment on specific cases.
In an email objecting to OPA’s decision in his case, O’Neil said investigators may not have considered the possibility that “racist undertones, biases, and mistreatment due to color” were the reason three white staffers were “giving me and [Gulpan] (Asian) a hard time and ultimately being insubordinate.” PubliCola was unable to reach Gulpan for comment.
O’Neil told PubliCola he believes the EEO complaint process is “being misused, and is absolutely being weaponized, and it’s terrible because it overshadows the true victims.”
“Valerie was given the opportunity to come back to the unit and then work and follow the rules and regulations, and she didn’t do it,” O’Neil said.
“I realize people are trying to throw out misogyny and all this stuff, which is nonsense when it comes to my unit,” O’Neil continued. “With this unit, it [was] three males, three females”—O’Neil, two other men, and three women, including O’Neil’s own supervisor, Amy Clancy, who supported his complaint against Carson.
“The issues were the same” with all his employees, O’Neil said. “It had to do with insubordination, chain of command, and things that were violations of policy.”
Clancy left the department in April.
After working on light duty in another division after her leave ended, Carson took an demotion in rank and is now a patrol officer.
And Gulpan, who had just started when Carson went on leave, recently filed her own EEO complaint against O’Neil. Earlier this year, she—like Carson—took a demotion in rank and now works on patrol.
O’Neil received his promotion from sergeant to lieutenant last year.
“We had structure and rank in the unit, but we also treated each other like people with thoughts, ideas, and feelings, and routinely challenged each others’ ideas to make sure we were doing the right thing,” said former communications office staffer Jonah Spangenthal-Lee, who left the office earlier this year.
The allegations of discrimination and bias occurred during a heated internal debate over the office’s communications strategy. According to O’Neil, Police Chief Diaz directed the office to put out more information on all platforms—adding video, posting on social media and SPD’s Blotter blog more often, and highlighting the work of individual officers with posts and videos. Internally, some staffers objected to this strategy, saying the office should consider things like newsworthiness and the overall impression the department was creating about the level and severity of crime in Seattle.
“That was absolutely, definitely part of the conflict—the chief wanted to go in a certain direction, [and] I got fought on that,” O’Neil told PubliCola. When I was asking them to do certain tasks, I was told no.”
“This is a paramilitary organization,” O’Neil continued, meaning that people down the chain of command can only say no in certain circumstances, such as a situation that endangers their life or requires them to break the law. “They had no right to tell me no, no matter how much they disagreed,” he said. “You have people with a little bit of time on [duty], and they want stuff their way. It just doesn’t work like that.”
Staffers who worked in the communications office before O’Neil arrived, however, said that even within SPD’s top-down structure, there was room for collaboration and debate. Media relations staffers helped shape SPD’s communications strategy and made suggestions or pushed back when they thought an idea might backfire with the public—like a tour of SPD’s north precinct, requested by then-councilmember Kshama Sawant, that gave critics a chance to confront police in front of reporters and at least one embarrassing story in the Stranger.
“We had structure and rank in the unit, but we also treated each other like people with thoughts, ideas, and feelings, and routinely challenged each others’ ideas to make sure we were doing the right thing,” said former communications office staffer Jonah Spangenthal-Lee, who left the office earlier this year.
Carson told SPD investigator McKechnie that O’Neil took the concept of disobeying orders to an extreme. “I was in the military for five years and no one has ever used the word ‘insubordination’ more than I’ve heard him use that word,” Carson said.
Clancy, O’Neil’s former supervisor, sent an email to OPA supporting O’Neil after the office issued its decision last March.
“I am very concerned that if there is no discipline related to Sgt O’Neil’s filed complaint, the insubordination will only continue in the office, making it nearly impossible for him to lead,” Clancy wrote. “He is an excellent leader, and has always deserved the support of his people. Currently we have three additional employees in the Unit who have been added recently and all of them support Sgt O’Neil and work with him incredibly well. We have harmony for the first time in a very long time.”
But that “harmony”—if it exists—came at a real cost to institutional knowledge and strategic leadership in the media relations division. Since O’Neil was hired, the division has seen turnover of more than 100 percent, including the loss of one staffer, Spangenthal-Lee, who had worked in the office for more than 12 years. The division, which once had gender parity, now has an all-male staff.
The Seattle Police Department (SPD) is a toxic workplace for women, according to a damning internal report commissioned by SPD that was first reported by KUOW last week.
One woman who’s been an SPD officer for more than 15 years echoed the findings of the report, saying she’s been passed over multiple times for promotions by less-qualified male officers, and has seen this happen to many other female officers over the years.
“I’ve experienced men getting jobs with a lot less experience than me specifically, and other females not getting jobs,” said the officer, who requested anonymity. “I’ve seen this throughout my career,” which has included both patrol and office jobs, she said.
The internal report, by Washington State University Professor Lois James, was a part of the 30×30 Initiative—a nationwide effort to increase gender equity in policing. As part of the initiative, police departments across the country have pledged to boost the number of women in their departments to 30 percent by 2030. SPD signed on in 2021, with the goal of increasing the number of female recruits to 30 percent by 2030.
SPD isn’t close to reaching those goals. In 2023, out of 61 new officers hired, just five were women, according to Jamie Housen, a spokesman for Mayor Bruce Harrell. Currently, just 16 percent of SPD officers are women.
James conducted focus groups and interviews with about a dozen women, who described a toxic, hyper-masculine culture in which women are often passed up for promotions and lucrative assignments because of their gender.
Women recalled watching less-qualified men get promoted because they had “connections” with other men in the department, or because they could work shifts that weren’t accessible to women, who often had family obligations men didn’t have.
One female officer said she told her supervisor she could work any shift but the night shift, “because frankly, there was nobody home to look after my kid… [And the response was]… this is the only one we have available… So I guess I’m not getting promoted. But then I’ll turn around and I see a counterpart who is going through a divorce, and he gets a hardship transfer assignment.”
Stories of sexual harassment and casual misogyny were also common. “I had a sergeant [tell] told me I look yummy in front of a bunch of officers,” one woman recalled; on another occasion, she said she was introduced at roll call by lieutenant who “was like, ‘don’t worry, guys, she’s married.’ It’s like, is that necessary?”
The officer who spoke with PubliCola said that while most of her interactions with male colleagues have been positive, she has personally experienced many of the situations women described in James’ report. Once, she said, a male officer was complaining about an officer who was pregnant. “He said that’s why he didn’t like women in his unit—because they go out on maternity leave and then everybody else has to scramble to cover for them,” she said.
James said harassment and discrimination are common across all police departments. “Unfortunately, my impression is that this is very, very typical and representative of police departments,” James said. “It’s clear that there’s a lot farther to go.”
Ivonne Roman, one of the founders of the 30×30 Initiative and a former New Jersey police officer, said female officers often cope with toxic work environments by keeping their heads down. “These women say: ‘I don’t complain, because I don’t think that it will be taken seriously.’” Roman said. “So there’s this disconnect between what the chiefs think is happening and what’s actually happening on the ground.”
In response to the report, Housen said the mayor was planning to arrange a meeting with female officers within SPD to hear their concerns. “Ensuring women at SPD attain positions of leadership, feel welcome and supported, and can serve free of bias or harassment is paramount for creating a representative department and building a culture at SPD that fully reflects the values of our city,” Housen said.
James’ report follows news of a lawsuit filed against Police Chief Adrian Diaz in King County Superior Court in January. Deanna Nollette, a 27-year veteran of the force and a former assistant chief of police, was demoted to captain—along with another assistant chief, Eric Greening—in July. In her lawsuit, Nollette claims that Diaz has “a history of misogyny. He is demeaning to women in the police force, articulating his bias that women should not hold leadership positions in the police force.”
“I am heartbroken to have been placed in an adversarial position against a department that I have loved and given 100 percent to for almost 28 years,” Nollette told PubliCola. “I have a responsibility to try to ensure that women who are with or join SPD have a fair and equitable opportunity.”
Diaz’s attorney, Ted Buck, said “Chief Diaz is disappointed that a routine personnel decision has led to these demonstrably false claims. The chief’s overt support of women in departmental leadership has been clear and consistent.”
Nolette’s attorney, Judith Lonnquist, was blunt in her assessment of Diaz: “It is reprehensible that an organization responsible for law enforcement is headed by a man who regularly violates the laws against discrimination,” Lonnquist said.
When asked if she thought Nolette was more qualified for the job of chief than Diaz, the current SPD officer replied, “Oh, definitely.” She said she was disappointed to see both Nolette and Greening passed over (and Diaz hired instead). “Both of them blow Diaz away,” she said.
The lawsuit—covered by the Seattle Times and other outlets last month—is the second high-profile gender discrimination case brought against the department in the past year. In February 2023, detective Denise “Cookie” Bouldin, known for promoting chess among young people in south Seattle, filed a $10 million complaint against SPD, citing “race and gender discrimination on a daily basis.”
Housen insists SPD is making progress toward the 30×30 goal (which SPD interprets as having 30 percent of its graduating recruit class of 2030 consist of women) and said the department has made gains hiring women into leadership positions. “SPD currently has four women captains and six women lieutenants,” Housen said. “Half of the department’s command staff are women.” In fact, five of SPD’s 13 command staff are women, and only one—assistant chief Lesley Cordner—is a sworn officer. The other four women on the command staff are civilian employees in budgeting, legal, and administrative or advisory roles—roles that are, in turn, held almost exclusively by women.
SPD’s lack of progress toward overall gender diversity comes at a time when the department faces what elected officials and Diaz have characterized as a hiring crisis. (It’s a familiar term.)
In 2020, SPD had 1,339 trained officers; by mid-2023, that had dropped to 1,029 – a 23 percent decline. The number of “deployable” officers—those who are fully trained and able to patrol—is lower; according to data provided by Housen, SPD had 921 deployable officers last year, down from and 1,094 in 2020.
The city began raising alarms about the declining number of SPD officers most recently during the Durkan administration, which instituted a short-lived hiring bonus program back in 2021.In 2022, Bruce Harrell announced a recruitment and retention plan that included bonuses of $7,500 for new officers and $30,000 to people transferring from other police departments. But Harrell’s office has seen lackluster results in its goal to boost SPD’s active force to 1,400 officers.
The numbers are part of a nationwide trend; in every region of the country, police departments are shrinking as retirements and separations outpace new hiring. A 2023 report found that total police force staffing in the US was down 4.8 percent from 2020.
Overall, according to SPD spokesman John O’Neil, 151 of its SPD’s officers are women, or about 16 percent, down from nearly 18 percent in 2021, but still above the national average for municipal police departments. According to the most recent data from the Bureau of Justice Assistance and the FBI, that rate ranges from 13.5 to a little less than 14 percent. According to the mayor’s office, 42 percent of the officers hired in 2023 were Black, Indigenous, or people of color and 9.6 percent were women.
Last year, 91 officers left the department, which, when combined with the 61 new hires, represents a net reduction of 30 officers.
City council public safety committee chair Bob Kettle, one of six new council members elected last November, said SPD’s called those hiring numbers disappointing. “The number of women that were hired in 2023 was not acceptable,” Kettle said. “We need to have a representative force where women are well represented. We need to be creating that culture and an environment of inclusion. And also the idea that you can advance, you can be promoted, you can move forward in the organization.”
One police department that has made strides toward a more representative force is Madison, Wisconsin’s, where 28 percent of officers are women. The department makes a point of recruiting women and places women in prominent roles as teachers in its academy, as well as providing female mentors to new recruits.
San Diego’s police department, where 23 percent of officers are women, actively recruits women and is working to make its force more welcoming, including creating the nation’s first on-site child care center within a police department.
Policies like these can help attract women to police departments and encourage them to stay, 30×30 Initiative cofounder Roman said, adding that lactation rooms and generous family leave policies can also help with retention.
The benefits of hiring women are measurable. “We did a literature review on women in policing,” Roman said, “and we found that there are all these benefits associated with having a high representation of women: they reduce lawsuits, reduce use of force, they have a calming effect on their partners, and they have better outcomes for victims of crimes.”
Statistically, female officers generally have fewer incidents of excessive use of force and tend to use force less often than their male counterparts, and Roman notes that women who are victims of domestic violence are more likely to report it to a female officer.
The officer who spoke to PubliCola said that, in her opinion, conditions were better for women under Kathleen O’Toole, who served as chief between 2014 and 2018.
“O’Toole was very focused on career development and very supportive of women,” she said. Under former chief Carmen Best, who stepped down amid criticism of the department’s violent response to protests in 2020, “You saw women being promoted, you saw minorities moving into [positions of] deputy chiefs and assistant chiefs,” the officer said, but the 2020 controversy “kind of derailed what she might have brought to the table on that end of things,” the officer said.
Roman said physical fitness requirements pose a common hurdle for women seeking jobs as officers. SPD uses standards set by the Washington State Criminal Justice Training Commission, which include 20 pushups, 25 sit-ups, and 35 squat thrusts. Roman said that while these might not seem excessive, analyzing how many women consistently pass or fail the test is the best indicator of whether it’s discriminatory.
“I’ve noticed there’s an almost knee-jerk reaction that [some women] weren’t qualified to be cops because they can’t do 24 pushups within the first two weeks of the academy,” she said. “There’s no research that shows doing 24 pushups can make you a better, more effective officer.”
SPD has taken some steps toward improving its reputation and attracting more diverse recruits. Diaz frequently touts SPD’s Before the Badge program, a five-week pre-academy course designed to introduce potential recruits to members of the community and provide them with skills for dealing with on-the-job stress.
Brandon James, a lieutenant who’s part of the Before The Badge program, said he’d like to see more women officers.
“Recruiting is a challenge for everyone, and police departments are going after the same applicants,” James said. “We do see a good share of female recruits coming through. But absolutely, I wish it were more.”