Seattle Nice: Seattle Solved All the Crime, So We’re Talking About Graffiti

By Erica C. Barnett

Because there are no other public-safety issues in the city of Seattle, our main topic on Seattle Nice this week is one of the mayor and council’s top current priorities: Cracking down on graffiti— already a crime!—with a new law imposing a per-tag fine that’s higher than the ones for animal cruelty or (and I know people really feel strongly about this one) cutting down trees.

Proponents on the council, echoing Republican City Attorney Ann Davison, argue that statistical data shows that the most prolific graffiti artists and taggers are white, middle-class men with plenty of money to pay for attorneys or fines—yet for whom, they also claim, the new fines will be an effective deterrent.

I pointed out that their “data” is based on a statistically insignificant sample, ranging from several dozen people (for the city’s race and gender breakdown) to a majority 17 individuals (for the purported income data.) David argued that these statistics are still valid, and that I believe we should “only use demographic data when it’s politically convenient.” And Sandeep agreed with me that we shouldn’t use fake stats to justify new crackdowns, but for a different reason—he said  talking about the racial demographics of taggers at all is a kind of “identitarian” (i.e. woke) policy that the city should stay away from in general.

For the record, I do think it’s ridiculous that the city is trying so hard to prove that Seattle’s graffiti artists and taggers don’t slot easily into stereotypes, but I also think we shouldn’t be spending so many resources ensuring Seattle’s walls remain bare and gray. I actually think both my co-hosts agree with me about this. As much as Sandeep likes to cite statistics from unknown stories that, according to him, prove that the broadly discredited “broken windows” theory works to deter crime, he had to admit that he doesn’t really consider graffiti a top public-safety priority.

We also talked about a new pro-Bruce Harrell message testing poll that attempts to sell the idea that mayoral candidate Katie Wilson is the second coming of Kshama Sawant. Even Sandeep—who usually leaps at a chance to tie progressive candidates to the former city council member, who left the council more than a year and a half ago—agreed that it’s ridiculous to paint the thoughtful, wonkish Wilson as abrasive, politically conniving, and “loud,” but don’t be surprised if you receive a mailer this fall showing Wilson and Sawant Photoshopped together like they’re running on the same ticket.

PubliCola Questions: Mayoral Candidate Ry Armstrong

By Erica C. Barnett

Mayor Bruce Harrell has been an elected official for 16 of the last 18 years, and is now trying to become the first two-term mayor in Seattle since Greg Nickels was knocked out in the primary in 2009. Several candidates are hoping to keep him from achieving that goal. Ry Armstrong, the co-executive director of Sustainable Seattle as well as an actor and member of the city’s LGBTQ Commission, says they represent a “new generation of leadership” for Seattle.

Armstrong grew up in Kenmore and Bothell before going to school at Central Washington University, where they say they were “politicized” by a proposal to establish a fee to fund the arts on campus, equivalent to an existing sports fee, and ran for student body president on a platform supporting the fee.

After moving to New York after school (“I looked around” at the cultural zeitgeist in Ellensburg in 2016 and “said, ‘fuck this'”), Armstrong returned to Seattle during the pandemic, deciding to run for City Council in 2023 because “I was living in District 3 and saw that no democratic socialist was running.

This time, they said they saw a mayoral field that didn’t feature any young LGBTQ+ candidates. “When I didn’t see anyone stepping up, there were queer folks asking me to run,” Armstrong said.

PubliCola spoke with Armstrong earlier this month; this conversation has been edited for clarity and length.

PubliCola (ECB): What are some ways in which your political agenda differs from Katie Wilson’s, the progressive frontrunner in the race against Harrell, and what’s the case for progressives to vote for you over her?

Ry Armstrong (RA): I think people are really open to change. They feel disconnected from a City Hall that doesn’t necessarily listen. I think Katie’s one of the most brilliant policy wonks I’ve ever met. I think she’s done some amazing organizing. I would love to see where she stands on Israel and Gaza. I’d love to see her come out against sweeps. Because I know Bruce is going to sweep. I really worry about where we’re headed in the city over the next three years and the bloated city government that has become ineffective under his leadership.

ECB: How do you think Harrell has made the city bloated or inefficient?

RA: I served on the LGBTQ Commission for the city, and for the two years I served on that commission, I never was set up on Outlook or Teams, and we’re supposed to have access to those systems. I think Seattle as a city has a fear-of-failure complex, where we don’t move fast enough to address the crises. Instead, we set up a task force to hire a consultant. I look at city unions suing for wage theft. We can’t even run payroll well. [Harrell] says he wants to hire the best talent, then we have Pedro Gomez happen.

I would be having town halls across the city to see how we can respond to the Trump administration. I would like to see a customer service help desk where people can come in and ask, is this [a] county [problem], is this city, is a this state? I’d love to leverage technology to streamline that. There are so many different ways we could have the city function so much better.

ECB: Are there any areas where you think Harrell is doing a decent job?

RA: I would say the only thing I agree with him on is the pedestrianization of Pike Place and this new tax from [Councilmember Alexis Mercedes Rinck’s] office. In terms of failures, I think one of the large items that really angered me was seeing JumpStart be changed from what its intended purposes were. It is not a stable income source for the city. I understand that that there was a deficit and that was the easiest path, but sometimes we can choose a harder path.

And just the way Denny Blaine was handled. I was also at Cal Anderson when the Mayday protest happened. These people were speaking in tongues all day, saying I shouldn’t exist. Sure, free speech, but why Cal Anderson? Why wasn’t there infrastructure built out for counterprotests?

ECB: Give me your critique of the mayor’s handling of social housing so far. What steps would you take to ensure that the launch of social housing is a success?

RA: I think social housing is the coolest tool we have in the toolbox. The voters very clearly wanted it. [A local] capital gains [tax] is going to only raise 30, maybe 40 million dollars. I would love to see an earmarked expansion of taxes going toward social housing. I think it could be the way we get out of this mess. We need to come together with a strategic plan and we need a leader who will sit down and figure out what that’s going to look like.

And the $2 million loan is not enough to get something off the ground that’s going to be substantial. I would love to see using our bonding capacity beyond that $2 million loan to leverage a social housing capital gains tax to support them.

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ECB: You recently told the Urbanist you would build 1,000 shelter beds in the first 100 days. How would you go about doing that?

RA: During the pandemic we literally built hospitals overnight. Why can’t we take the 200 tiny homes from SoDo and move them somewhere? I think we have to do it to scale and do it fast enough to meet the moment. I think there are a lot of spaces we can acquire in the city and have it be temporary shelter housing. In the pandemic, when the virus affected everyone, we moved fast enough for that moment.

I want to see real progressive revenue for that. I would be open to expansion of JumpStart, looking at the richest corporations among us. I think we have triple the amount of millionaires than unhoused people—the money is there, we just have to grab it and go. And I want to be the kind of mayor that is down in that space, using a hammer, getting it done—actually building the damn things and not just saying stuff, because talk is cheap.

ECB: Do you agree with other candidates in the race, including Katie Wilson, that we should be hiring more police, and why or why not? Tell me more about your public safety plan.

RA: I don’t know if we need more police. The marketing war against defund—I think progressives lost that war, and I think that’s okay to let that go and move on. The CARE Team [of civilian first responders] is really interesting. There are so many cities that are doing better than us on public safety. There’s so many duplicative systems.

So I think my answer is, let’s put police back on emergency response and put CARE on unarmed response [CARE Department chief] Amy Barden should have more more sway over her department. We’re not meeting the crisis with a human, medical approach. Let’s give the CARE Team an actual shot. Let’s move it from being a pilot program. Twenty-four people citywide is not enough to meet the moment. Throwing money into a bucket with a bunch of holes in it is not going to solve our problems long-term.

ECB: A big reason you don’t see that happen, I think, is that the police union has been successful at getting favorable contracts without new accountability concessions year after year after year.

RA: I think we need someone [as mayor] who’s going to go in and negotiate against the Seattle Police Officers Guild and get that [collective bargaining agreement] negotiated. A [memorandum of understanding] is not as legally binding as I’d like it to be, but I do think we have to have some stronger provisions for transparency. Records requests taking months or years—we don’t actually know what’s going on in the city.

ECB: How would you change the mayor’s “downtown activation plan,” and is the city putting too much emphasis on downtown at the expense of other areas?

RA: We’ve been activating downtown for four years but we now have the highest vacancy rate that the city has seen—30, 36 percent. Adding twinkly lights is one thing, but what if we actually had services for people? I look at the pit next to City Hall and I’m like, that could be a great overdose prevention center with microstudios above it. Looking at 12th and Jackson, where they’re pushing everyone to, and the [Chinatown International District]—small businesses are struggling over there as well.

In terms of downtown activation, I think we have lost a little bit of the culture of Seattle. I think we have let the largest tech corporations redefine our city. Obviously, the waterfront overlook is going to be a tourist attraction, but working artists, teachers, health care workers can’t afford to live in the city. I think to solve downtown activation, you have to solve some equality [issues] also.

My top thing I keep harking back to is child care reform. The Working Families Party says that what actually affects young people most is the cost of child care. We have not build new child care centers because a majority of the zoning regulations haven’t been updated since the 1970s, when we had to put them a certain distance away from liquor stores. The scarcity of those centers makes it super burdensome for people to raise kids in the city, so they go outside the city. That’s a huge priority for me.

First-time homebuyers’ grants are so hard to negotiate. When I bought my tiny little condo I had to put $500 down but I had to become more poor to qualify for a first-time homebuyer’s grant through BECU. If we actually want people to live in Seattle, we have to make it easier for people to buy homes.

ECB: If you weren’t in the race, would you vote for Katie Wilson?

RA: Absolutely. I wish we had ranked-choice voting so it could be a Brad Lander-Mamdani moment. I’ve unfortunately seen a lot of hate from people who have enthusiasm for her—people saying I’m just a cisgendered gay LARPing as a trans person.

A lot of people in this city have treated me with a pretty harsh silent treatment just for standing for something different and trying to be [part of] a next generation of leadership in the city—whether that’s people who think Katie is the only person they can support or whether that’s people who are scared of Bruce Harrell, from Democrats to labor to business. If we want to affect change in this city, we have to start listening to a younger generation.

I want to get really crystal clear on her plans and policies and how she plans to win the general [election], because if it’s me or Katie, there’s going to be millions of dollars spent against us.

This Week on PubliCola: Funding Treatment, Fining Taggers, Testing Campaign Messages, and More

A page from Police Chief Shon Barnes’ schedule.

Also: Does it matter if the police chief is out of town on the weekends?

Monday, July 7

The More We Love Launches Six-Month “High Accountability” Out-of-Town Shelter for Commercially Exploited Women

The More We Love’s first contract with the city is for 10 beds for women trying to leave the sex trade. According to the contract, the shelter is is “intentionally low barrier to enter and has high accountability to stay.” Women with substance use disorders “are asked to commit to a pathway towards recovery to stay in the shelter unit” after what the contract calls a 72-hour “recharge” phase. The maximum stay is 30 days.

Seattle Nice: Sara Nelson Proposes Funding Treatment With New Public Safety Sales Tax

On this week’s podcast, Sandeep and I discussed Council President Sara Nelson’s “Pathways to Recovery” proposal, which—if passed—will commit up to 25 percent of a planned local sales tax increase to addiction treatment services. We agreed that if the city is going to increase the regressive sales tax, it should all go to expanding treatment options, not more funding for cops.

Tuesday, July 8

Council Advances Bills Expanding Power to Prosecute and Fine Graffiti Taggers, “Nuisance” Properties

The council’s public safety committee advanced two bills their advocates argued are critical to public safety in Seattle on Tuesday. The first allows the city to pursue civil cases against taggers (in addition to criminal charges), fining them up to $1,500 per tag. The second dramatically expands police leeway to go after business and property owners for civil and criminal violations that happen on or around their property.

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Wednesday, July 9

In First Four Months, Seattle’s New Police Chief Spent Most Weekends Out of Town

New police chief Shon Barnes, whose family still lives in Wisconsin, spends the majority of his weekends out of town, with nothing on his official schedule starting most Friday afternoons. His new spokeswoman, a former corporate communications consultant and writer for USA Today, responded to detailed questions, including “who is in charge when the chief isn’t here?” with an all-time brushoff that ended “thank you for your interest in SPD.”

Poll Tests Message that Katie Wilson is “Angry,” “Divisive,” and “Loud”; No Charges Yet for County Assessor Accused of Stalking

Two stories in Wednesday’s Afternoon Fizz: A poll testing negative messages against mayoral candidate Katie Wilson told voters the soft-spoken, wonkish longtime advocate has no convictions and is basically the second coming of Kshama Sawant, so look for that misleading mailer in your mailbox soon.

And a prosecutor has declined so far to charge King County Assessor John Arthur Wilson for stalking and harassing his ex after he was arrested last week for repeatedly showing up at her house despite a restraining order.

Friday, July 11

Former Councilmember Juarez Applies as “Caretaker” for Vacant Council Seat, Along with 21 Other Applicants

Former City Councilmember Debora Juarez submitted her application for the open District 5 City Council position that was just vacated by Cathy Moore. Juarez reportedly already has the support of a strong majority (perhaps as many as eight) council members for the appointment, for which 21 other people also applied.

John Wilson Drops Out of Race He was On Track to Lose, We Heart Seattle Lashes Out Against Harm Reduction

In Friday’s Afternoon Fizz: John Arthur Wilson dropped out of the race for King County Executive, but says he’ll remain in his current position, despite intense pressure for him to step down. And the head of We Heart Seattle, a group that “cleans up” encampments, criticized the heads of two longtime organizations that embrace harm reduction, accusing them of enabling drug users instead of using more punitive approaches.

Saturday, July 12

PubliCola on Hacks and Wonks: Mayoral Polling, Council Vacancy, Graffiti Crackdown, and More

I went on Crystal Fincher’s Hacks and Wonks podcast this week, where we talked about the city’s relentless focus on graffiti, the appointment process for the city council’s most recent vacancy, a recent poll that attempts to paint mayoral candidate Katie Wilson as a “loud,” “angry” radical with no core convictions, and more.

PubliCola on Hacks and Wonks: Mayoral Polling, Council Vacancy, Graffiti Crackdown, and More

By Erica C. Barnett

I had the pleasure of guesting on Crystal Fincher’s Hacks and Wonks podcast this week, where we talked about the city’s relentless focus on graffiti (because there are simply no other issues that need addressing), the appointment process for the city council’s most recent vacancy, a recent poll that attempts to paint mayoral candidate Katie Wilson as a “loud,” “angry” radical with no core convictions, and more.

Two of these stories are ultimately about the cynicism of local politics. The council appointment process, which used to involve a real debate among council members about which applicant was best for the position—with sometimes surprising results—has now become a pantomime of transparency, with one or, at most, two frontrunners chosen in advance.

Although mainstream media outlets routinely start their stories about council vacancies by saying something like, “You could be the next city council member,” that simply isn’t true. You, in fact, can’t be the next city councilmember, unless you have relationships with a majority of the council and they are predisposed to support you.

Moving on, we also discussed Republican City Attorney Ann Davison’s successful effort to get a bill allowing new civil fines for graffiti to move forward. (It passed committee this week, with amendments from Rob Saka making it harsher and more sweeping).

As we also discuss on a forthcoming episode of Seattle Nice, the basis for council members’ claim that prolific graffiti taggers are “well-heeled” white men in their 30s with “careers” consists of data from two sources. First, the five-year average of graffiti referrals to the city attorney’s office shows that of the average 43 people with misdemeanor graffiti referrals every year, 85 percent (36) are men and 79 percent (34) are white.

The claim that taggers are well-off comes from an even smaller source—17 people who were prosecuted by the King County Prosecutor’s office on felony graffiti charges. Of those 17, a majority were not indigent and eventually were able to pay restitution. But not qualifying as indigent and being “well-heeled” are two very different things. A single person making more that $19,562 a year has to pay for their own attorney—a level that hardly justifies the assumption that taggers are middle-class, based on a sample so small it’s closer to anecdote than statistic.

John Wilson Drops Out of Race He was On Track to Lose, We Heart Seattle Lashes Out Against Harm Reduction

1. King County Assessor John Arthur Wilson, who was arrested last week outside his former partner Lee Keller’s home for allegedly stalking and harassing her, ended his campaign for King County Executive yesterday, announcing the decision on Facebook.

Every single member of the King County Council, including the two frontrunners in the county executive race, Girmay Zahilay and Claudia Balducci, has called on Wilson to not just drop out of the race but to step down from his current elected position, which he will hold until next year unless there’s a successful recall campaign.

In his Facebook post, Wilson said he was dropping out because “personal matters have drawn attention away from critical issues” in the campaign. “I’m grateful for the support I’ve received and look forward to continuing to serve the residents of King County in my role as Assessor.”

Wilson, who was running as a law-and-order candidate, wasn’t likely to beat either of his better-known and better-funded opponents in the primary, so dropping out of the race with just a few weeks left was a largely symbolic act.

Wilson has been prolific on Facebook both before and after his arrest, posting subtle digs at Keller and writing darkly about enemies who are purportedly trying to take him down. In June, Wilson posted a photo he took with Keller during a brief reconciliation in May. “Shown recently to a member of the news media, the reporter said Ms. Keller looked happy and not at all afraid” in the photo, Wilson wrote. “As you can see from the photograph, Ms. Keller took the picture at 3:15 PM that afternoon.”

Keller has a protection order against Wilson barring him from contacting or coming within 1,000 feet of her. Earlier this week, the Snohomish County Prosecutor declined to immediately file criminal charges against him; a civil case, in which Wilson is seeking the termination of Keller’s protection order, is still moving forward.

2. During a council committee meeting to discuss a proposal from Council President Sara Nelson that would dedicate up to 25 percent of a forthcoming public safety sales tax to addiction treatment, We Heart Seattle founder Andrea Suarez showed up for public comment armed with what she described as “methamphetamine pipes and foil that are handed out” to drug users in Belltown, along with a rubber strip she described as a tourniquet for drug injection. “We have to stop handing out tourniquets and pipes and foil and cookers,” Suarez said.

Handing out safer smoking supplies is a form of harm reduction for drug users, who might otherwise use pipes contaminated with infectious fluids or unknown drugs or sustain burns from thin grocery store aluminum foil, among other risks. Opponents of these measures, like Suarez, say they enable people to keep using drugs.

Suarez, who stood behind Nelson at the press launch for her proposal last week, lashed out at two of the organizations that were about to discuss their work and take questions from the committee. We Heart Seattle is an anti-harm reduction advocacy group that “cleans up” occupied homeless encampments and directs people to abstinence-based treatment programs, including a high-barrier program in Oregon that kicks people out if they relapse.

Zeroing in on Purpose Dignity Action (co-directed by Lisa Daugaard) and the Downtown Emergency Service Center (headed up by Daniel Malone), Suarez said, “I ask my colleagues to stop [distributing smoking supplies] within your low-barrier housing. It’s not working, and I don’t hate the player. I hate the game. I hate that you have a fentanyl smoking shack in the back of your hotel, Lisa.” (The PDA has what amounts to a safe smoking site outside one of its residential buildings). “I respect you, the person, the colleague, but I can’t get behind that.”

“I toured the Canady House at DESC—the carpets are pitch black, rats, rodents, bugs,” Suarez claimed. The Canady House is a 15-year-old permanent supportive housing building that has been the target of regular outrage from right-wing personalities and activist groups like the Discovery Institute.

Daugaard won a MacArthur “genius” grant in 2019 for creating the successful LEAD diversion program, which has been replicated all over the US. DESC provides housing, shelter, and health care to homeless Seattle residents with complex physical and behavioral health care needs that make them effectively ineligible for other types of housing; they’ve won numerous national awards over their many years in Seattle, including several for their low-barrier “wet” housing on Eastlake.

During the presentation, Daugaard brought up the fact that the legislation says “up to” 25 percent of the proposed 0.1-cent sales tax increase could go to treatment. If the legislation was tweaked to say “at least,” Daugaard said, that would set a floor, rather than a ceiling. Nelson later said she heard a similar idea on a recent episode Seattle Nice, where both Sandeep and I agreed that it would be great to see 100 percent of the public safety sales tax go to behavioral health care.

Former Councilmember Juarez Applies as “Caretaker” for Vacant Council Seat, Along with 21 Other Applicants

By Erica C. Barnett

Former City Councilmember Debora Juarez has submitted her application and resume for the open District 5 City Council position that was just vacated by Cathy Moore, who quit after just a year and a half on the council. Juarez reportedly already has the support of a strong majority (perhaps as many as eight) council members for the appointment, making her selection effectively a fait accompli.

Juarez—the first Indigenous Seattle City Councilmember—served two terms on the council, including one as council president, and was replaced by Moore in 2024. During her second term, Juarez repeatedly expressed frustration at the tenor of council meetings (frequently dominated by then-councilmember Kshama Sawant’s supporters) and the 2020 protests (which included repeated demonstrations outside her home).

No one has protested outside council members’ homes in several years, but Sawant and her supporters recently started showing up again at council meetings, shouting and marching around council chambers to protest legislation like a proposal to lower conflict of interest standards for council members.

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The city clerk just published the entire list of applicants for the appointment on the council vacancy website, which has been in heavy use over the past year and a half with the departures of Teresa Mosqueda, Tammy Morales, and now Moore, at the end of the day today.

In her cover letter, Juarez wrote:

“The question I am sure many are asking is, ‘why return?’. It’s simple: I was called to serve. I understand the challenges our city currently faces—from housing affordability to public safety to protecting residents from the harms of the Trump Administration and federal funding cuts. I am ready to step in immediately and work alongside my fellow Councilmembers to ensure that our city remains a vibrant, welcoming, and innovative place for all residents. I would be honored to bring my “Elder Auntie” experience, wisdom gained with no regrets, and vision to this important role once again, this time as a caretaker of the seat until a new Councilmember can be elected.”

The list of candidates for the position, which were just posted on the City Clerk’s website Friday morning, include three people who ran for District 5 in 2023: Nilu Jenks, Shane MacComber, and Justin Simmons.

The council will narrow down the list of candidates to a set of “frontrunners” over the next week. They’ll discuss the appointment and hear from candidates at meetings on July 17 and July 22; a public forum, which will reportedly be held at North Seattle Community College (although the city’s website still says “TBD”), will be held on Monday, July 21.

Under the city charter, the council has 20 days after the day a council member leaves office to appoint someone to fill that position. Because Moore’s resignation took effect on July 8, the council will take a vote on July 28.

Because Moore announced her resignation after the filing deadline for this year’s local elections, voters won’t be able to choose her replacement until 2026, the next general election. As a result, District 5 will be represented by someone people in the district did not elect for about 16 months, until Moore’s permanent replacement takes office in November 2026.