Amid a Long-Brewing Financial Crisis, Homeless Service Provider YouthCare Shuts Down Services, Fires Executive Director

Rendering of YouthCare’s planned Constellation Center, a workforce training and service hub that’s supposed to open alongside a new Community Roots-owned apartment building in 2027

By Erica C. Barnett

Youthcare, Seattle’s largest housing and shelter provider for youth and young people experiencing homelessness, has shut down programs, laid off at least a quarter of its staff, and redirected resources from housing and shelter to address a budget crisis that has been building for many months. In recent weeks, the agency has announced plans to shutter a shelter for homeless refugee children, shut down a free GED program, and scale back services at a transitional housing program for LGBTQ+ youth.

On Thursday, YouthCare’s board chair, Becka Johnson-Poppe, announced the resignation of YouthCare’s embattled leader, Degale Cooper.
“We recognize that this is a time of uncertainty, and we want to acknowledge the concerns many of you have raised–particularly around our financial picture,” the email to staff said. “The Board is fully engaged and committed to securing YouthCare’s financial health and long-term sustainability. We are actively developing a plan to stabilize our operations and align our programs with the evolving needs of youth in our region.”

For months, current and former Youthcare staff have been raising concerns about how Cooper has managed Youthcare’s finances, programming, and staff.

They say the organization, founded more than 50 years ago with a mission to end youth homelessness, has largely abandoned that mission to focus single-mindedly on a workforce training and education hub on Capitol Hill called the Constellation Center, which is supposed to open in 2027 along with a planned new Community Roots Housing affordable housing project that will include 15 beds for formerly homeless youth.

Staff began publicly calling for Cooper’s resignation last month. In early June, about three-quarters of of Youthcare’s remaining staff signed a petition calling for Cooper’s ouster. The petition also demanded that Youthcare “provide accurate and transparent information about the agency’s financial solvency, with a coherent explanation of how we’ve come to our current state.”

“Having recently undergone layoffs to establish long-term financial stability, we yet again find ourselves in financial crisis,” the petition read.

Former staffers said YouthCare has been plagued with financial issues for years. In December 2023, an audit found “significant deficiencies” in Youthcare’s internal financial controls, meaning that their internal financial checks and balances do “not allow management or employees, in the normal course of performing their assigned functions, to prevent, or detect and correct, [financial] misstatements on a timely basis.”

The issues with financial compliance have been compounded, according to former finance staffers, by the fact that the agency has struggled to retain high-level finance staff, including a chief financial officer, for more than a few months at a time, and fired at least one staffer who raised whistleblower concerns about Youthcare’s financial practices.

In recent months, dozens of staffers have received layoff notices, and several executive-level staff have quit or been fired, leaving only Cooper and Chief People and Culture Officer William Wiggins at the top of the agency’s org chart.

The cuts to services and housing come one year after Youthcare announced it was closing down two transitional housing programs for youth along with its youth shelters in the University District and South Seattle. Then, as now, YouthCare said it was “consolidating services” to secure the nonprofit’s financial future.

YouthCare’s cost-saving measures have impacted workers’ ability to do their jobs, former staffers say.

Earlier this year, for example, employees’ cell phones were cut off, reportedly because Youthcare hadn’t paid their cell phone provider. Then, on a Friday afternoon a couple of months ago, YouthCare abruptly shut off the credit cards frontline staffers used to pay for their clients’ basic needs, leaving them unable to pay expenses that typically amounted to somewhere between $30,000 and $60,000 a month.

“They just got cut off with no explanation, and the staff were left to tell the people they worked with, ‘Sorry, I just can’t get that for you,” Office and Professional Employees International Union (OPEIU) 8 representative Phoebe Feldsher said. “It created a lot of hardship for the clients and staff.”

Other staffers say Youthcare fell behind on the rent payments that keep many clients in affordable housing, holding on to rent checks instead of paying them promptly. “People are going to get evicted,” Feldsher said.

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PubliCola sent a list of questions to Cooper on Monday morning. She referred us to a consultant at the Fearey Group, a crisis communications and public relations firm, which provided responses from the board on Thursday afternoon.

In an email, the board said they were aware of the disruption to staffers’ cell phone services but did not know whether it was intentional or due to nonpayment. They attributed the credit card freeze to concern over how much staffers were charging on their cards and whether they were accounting for it appropriately.

“At this point we are not aware, or have received any evidence, that clients have gone without payment for rent and other essential needs. We do believe the restrictions in the use of credit cards probably affected how client assistance was provided,” the board wrote.

After the union representing Youthcare staff, OPEIU 8, published the petition calling for Cooper’s resignation in June, Youthcare set up a virtual town hall to discuss employee concerns. But when staffers displayed Zoom backgrounds that read “Save Youthcare, Fire Degale,” Youthcare management ended the meeting early, reportedly after muting some staffers who were trying to speak out about their concerns; a second town hall was scheduled, then canceled, and former staffers say they were left in the dark.

“The decision was made in May or June to start consolidating our sites because we were not utilizing our financial planning in a way that would have sustained any of our operations for quite some time,” one former staffer said. “When I was there, it was always, ‘How are we going to get another $20,000 in here to meet payroll?'”

Shortly after the petition went online, non-unionized staffers, including program managers, signed an open letter addressed to YouthCare’s board, expressing dismay about the program closures and a lack of confidence in Cooper, who replaced Melinda Giovengo as CEO in 2022.

“Instead of taking responsibility, Degale Cooper and others have placed the blame on front-line staff for procedural errors, such as coding receipts, despite the fact that we have been operating without current or accurate financial information for months,” the staffers wrote. “This is not leadership. This is mismanagement. And it is our staff and clients who are paying the price.”

In a June 15 email to staff, Cooper said the open letter did not represent the views of YouthCare “leadership” and contained “multiple inaccuracies, distorted facts, and harmful speculation, and it was not shared in the spirit of care, collaboration, or truth.” Cooper then promised to answer any questions staff might have about “what is changing, why, and what it means” at the upcoming virtual town hall.

“We recognize that moments of change are hard. They raise real questions and emotions,” Cooper wrote. “As the CEO, I want to make sure your questions are answered by those accountable for this organization, not by anonymous sources or rumors.”

Multiple people who attended that town hall said the meeting left them with more questions than answers about how Youthcare planned to address its financial crisis. Among other questions, they wanted to know why Youthcare was shutting down programs, whether the agency planned to cut more of their jobs, and whether Youthcare had a plan for the future.

“They kept muting participants,” one former staffer said. “And [staffers] were like, ‘hey, if you’re going to call a town hall and then mute us, it doesn’t serve any purpose.'”

The programs that are slated for closure, reductions, or consolidation into other YouthCare programs include:

Continue reading “Amid a Long-Brewing Financial Crisis, Homeless Service Provider YouthCare Shuts Down Services, Fires Executive Director”

Campaign Fizz: Mallahan Says He Voted GOP in Hopes of Hurting Trump, Sawant Proposes “Battering Ram” Free Health Care Initiative

Via Instagram (@joemallahanformayor)

1. In a recent email to supporters, Mayor Bruce Harrell said that one of his opponents, Joe Mallahan, had voted in the 2024 Republican primary.

“It’s official: Joe Mallahan — the failed 2009 mayoral candidate who still hasn’t told voters what he’d actually do for Seattle in 2025 — now has a special interest Independent Expenditure propping up his dishonest attacks,” the campaign email read.

“You read that right: Mallahanwho voted in the 2024 Republican Presidential Primary, is relying on big money and negativity instead of sharing any real vision for Seattle’s future.”

After the email went out, Mallahan contacted PubliCola to say Harrell had it wrong—”the only dirt that Bruce Harrell can dig up on me is that my Bellingham cousin, Joe, apparently votes republican.  I’m a clean machine,” he said.

But then, two hours later, Mallahan followed up. “Hey, I made a mistake! I did vote for Nikki Haley that year to try to deprive Trump of delegates. Lots of progressives did,” he wrote.

Washington’s March 12 Presidential primary came one week after Trump locked down the Republican nomination on Super Tuesday. Haley dropped out of the race on March 6, and all 43 of Washington State’s Republican delegates went to Trump. Haley received a little over 150,000 votes in Washington—including, apparently, Mallahan’s.

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2. Harrell’s email, which warned that “Mallahan plans dark money attacks– we need to fight back,” was more than a little disingenuous. Harrell, not Mallahan (or progressive frontrunner), is the real beneficiary of independent spending in the mayoral race; so far, the committee campaigning for his reelection has raised more than $100,000, compared to $0 for the Mallahan Can PAC.

Harrell’s own “dark money” PAC has received funding from a who’s who of local developers and real estate investors, including former Pine Street Group executive Matt Griffin, Wright Runstad and Runstad executives Howard and Judith Runstad, the Master Builders Association’s Affordable Housing Council, and executives from Safeco Insurance, Remitly, Weyerhauser, and Premera.

3. Former Seattle City Councilmember Kshama Sawant, who’s running for Congress against District 9 (South Seattle) Rep. Adam Smith, has filed a local initiative titled “Free Healthcare Now” that reportedly aims to raise $5 billion over an unspecified period to provide free health care to everyone in Seattle. The measure would go on the ballot in 2026, according to a May 24 registration with the state Public Disclosure Commission.

The campaign has not reported raising or spending any money yet.
Workers Strike Back, Sawant’s political organization, has circulated a petition calling for a national free public health care system, and held an event last month to vote on “using local & state ballot initiatives, beginning in Seattle, as a battering ram to win Medicare for All nationally.”
We’ve reached out to the campaign to find out more about the proposal, including what kind of tax they will propose. For comparison, the $1.3 billion, six-year Families, Education, Preschool and Promise levy proposal will cost a median Seattle homeowner $656 a year.

County Assessor Wilson Jailed on Allegations of Stalking, Violating Protection Order

 

Lee Keller speaks to reporters at the King County jail after a court hearing for County Assessor John Arthur Wilson, who was arrested outside her home Wednesday night.

By Erica C. Barnett

UPDATE: On Thursday afternoon, King County District Court Judge Jill Klinge released King County Assessor and County Executive candidate John Arthur Wilson on $50,000 bail and issuing a new domestic-violence no-contact order against him.

Wilson, who was arrested and jailed for violating an existing no-contact order by showing up at Keller’s home repeatedly on Wednesday night, did not appear in court on Thursday. His attorney, John Polito, argued Wilson should be released without bail because he was unlikely to flee, given his age (71) and longstanding ties to the local community. The King County Prosecuting Attorney’s Office asked for $100,000 bail, arguing that Wilson had repeatedly violated an existing order prohibiting him from coming within 1,000 feet of his ex-partner, Lee Keller.

Polito suggested Wilson was being targeted because he’s a public figure who has recentlybeen the subject of significant media attention.  “If my client’s name was John Smith, your honor, I don’t think we’d be here with the request for $100,000 bail,” he said. “There’s no doubt that these two are involved in a publicly rancorous dispute in a relationship that’s lasted for a long time,” he continued, but “there’s never been any threats of physical assault.”

Speaking in court on her own behalf, Keller said she was “very concerned” for her safety, given Wilson’s ongoing violations of her restraining order. “His violations have increased. They’ve become more bold and aggressive this week,” Keller said. “Last night, I was inside having dinner with my mother, and thank goodness for my neighbors who saw him behind the trees watching my home, where I couldn’t see him.”

“It seems as though he doesn’t feel like pertains to him, and that’s what’s so troubling to me. I’m afraid to leave my home. I’m afraid in grocery stores. I’m afraid when I attend events for business. I go out of my way to avoid places that I think he might be but I can’t get away from him.”

Speaking to reporters after the hearing, Keller said it was “an awful feeling to feel sort of trapped in your home and scared about what’s going to happen next. … To find out that he was in jail last night was horrifying, and then also just an incredible relief, like I actually could rest and not worry about him coming to my door.”

Casey McNerthney, a spokesman for the King County Prosecutor’s Office, said that if the Seattle Police Department refers Wilson’s case to prosecutors for a charging decision, it will fall to Snohomish County District Court to decide whether to file charges against Wilson, in order to avoid any appearance of a conflict of interest stemming from the fact that Wilson works for King County.

ORIGINAL STORY FOLLOWS:

On Wednesday night, Seattle police officers arrested King County Assessor John Arthur Wilson for stalking and violating a restraining order obtained by his ex, Lee Keller. Wilson reportedly showed up at Keller’s house repeatedly on Wednesday. He was arrested when he returned to her home while police were present to take a report after Wilson drove to her home earlier in the evening.

PubliCola broke the news about Wilson’s arrest exclusively on Bluesky at 11:00 Wednesday night.

Keller obtained a restraining order against Wilson in May. Since then, Wilson has been seeking to have the restraining order lifted, arguing that he does not pose any threat to Keller.

The two briefly reconciled in May, a fact that Wilson has used to argue that there is no reason for the restraining order. In June, Wilson posted a photo of himself and Keller together shortly after the restraining order took effect, saying that she looked “happy and not at all afraid” of him as evidence that her restraining order was frivolous. In a post on LinkedIn, Wilson posted intimate information about Keller that he later removed from the post.

In a recent court declaration, Keller acknowledged reconciling with Wilson briefly in May. “I have been in a cycle of leave and return from a coercive and abusive relationship,” the declaration says. “It is not unexpected that I would have doubts and return to the cycle. But this time I realized very quickly that this is what was happening and chose to break the cycle. The law anticipates this and puts the burden on the restrained party to stay away.”

Shortly before his arrest, and after he showed up at Keller’s home the first time, Wilson posted a photo of himself at Daniel’s Broiler on Facebook with the caption, “Been a busy but great day. Came to one of my favorite places to have a great celebration. Yay!”

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Wilson has never publicly denied any of Keller’s specific allegations about his behavior, much of which is documented in text messages entered into the official record at King County District Court. In addition to showing up at Keller’s house repeatedly when she has asked him not to do so, Wilson called the workplace of a man Keller had been seeing and falsely accused him of sexual assault in an attempt to get him fired.

In a statement, Keller’s attorney Paula Kurtz-Kreshel said Keller “will not be commenting on the unfortunate turn of events in this case other than to thank Seattle Police for their quick response last night, and to express gratitude for the protections afforded to her by the court.”

Wilson has portrayed criticism of his actions as a witch hunt, condemning the King County Council for a unanimous resolution calling for his resignation. In his post claiming Keller’s restraining order was baseless, Wilson praised the Seattle Times, which ran an editorial arguing it was unfair to condemn him for his actions and that he deserved “due process” instead of demands to resign.

In recent court records seeking to have Keller’s restraining order dismissed, Wilson has claimed she is waging a political battle against him, using the fact that she “liked” a Facebook post from one of his opponents, Claudia Balducci, as evidence.

Wilson’s first appearance in court is scheduled for this afternoon.

The Seattle Police Department would not provide a copy of the police report, telling PubliCola to file a public disclosure request—a process that, as we’ve reported previously, takes months or years because of SPD’s practice of “grouping” multiple requests and fulfilling each one in full before moving to the next one.

Local Public Safety Sales Tax Increase Could Include Some Treatment Funding (In Addition to Cops)

L-R: Ballard Alliance director Mike Stewart, Evergreen Treatment Services CEO Steve Woolworth, Council President Sara Nelson, We Heart Seattle director Andrea Suarez, Purpose Dignity Action deputy director Brandi McNeil

By Erica C. Barnett

Standing in Occidental Square on Tuesday morning, City Councilmember Sara Nelson announced a proposal to earmark 25 percent of a forthcoming one-cent sales tax increase to “evidence-based treatment” programs for people with addictions, name-checking Lakeside Milam, the residential treatment center in Kirkland, as an example.

“What I’m fighting for is simple, and it’s to put treatment at the heart and the center of the city’s policy agenda,” Nelson said. “We can’t keep deferring investments in treatment while watching the same people cycle through homelessness, overdose, emergency roomsm and jail over and over and over again.”

Nelson’s office estimated that a 0.1-cent sales tax would bring in about $35 million each year, or a little under $9 million for treatment programs. “When we invest in getting people off the street and into treatment, we prevent crime, reduce emergency room responses and make every neighborhood safer,” Nelson said.

Purpose Dignity Action, which runs the LEAD diversion program and the CoLEAD encampment resolution program, showed up to support Nelson’s proposal. The group, which hasn’t always seen eye to eye with Nelson, has adapted repeatedly to Seattle’s changing political climate, most recently embracing changes to the city’s drug laws that effectively forced LEAD to reverse its approach and go back to partnering directly with police to get new clients, rather than relying on community referrals, which don’t require an arrest.

“To be clear, any serious public safety system must prioritize how we responded with complex behavioral problems, especially when those needs are contributing to harm or distress in neighborhoods and business districts,” PDA deputy director Brandi McNeil said Tuesday. “Ignoring that reality only prolongs the cycle. Confronting it head on is how we build safer, healthier communities.”

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The state legislature gave cities and counties the authority to pass a 0.1-cent tax increase for public safety, including behavioral health care programs, earlier this year, and King County is considering its own version of the tax. Unlike a separate proposal to increase business and occupation taxes on gross receipts above $2 million, the sales tax does not require voter approval; if both taxes pass, Seattle’s cumulative sales tax will rise to 10.55 percent, the highest combined sales tax in the country.

“Lending support for a sales tax increase is not something that I take lightly,” Evergreen Treatment Services director Steve Woolworth said. “However, if this tax to support public safety is adopted, I strongly support dedicating a portion of the revenue to funding low barrier shelter services, jail diversion and alternative response, and the coupling of behavioral health, permanent, and supportive housing.”

Nelson has expressed skepticism about harm reduction and housing first programs in the past, arguing that it’s time to “move beyond the harm reduction phase” toward abstinence-based recovery, which advocates often shorthand as “recovery” to distinguish it from models that try to reduce harm from drug use without conditioning treatment on total abstinence.

And although Tuesday’s speakers all represented groups that embrace harm reduction alongside traditional sobriety-oriented treatment like that offered at Lakeside-Milam, Nelson was flanked by a much larger contingent of allies from “treatment first” groups like We Heart Seattle, Battlefield Addiction, and The More We Love, whose leaders Nelson thanked in her remarks.

We Heart Seattle has not gotten any city contracts—yet—but The More We Love recently received nearly $600,000 after Councilmember Cathy Moore earmarked $1 million for the group. (The lower amount reflects the fact that the group didn’t sign its contract until earlier this month). The More We Love will use the money to expand its shelter in Renton, an abstinence-only facility that “exits” women and their children if they fail to to make it through abstinence-based treatment and stay sober after they graduate. In its contract, The More We Love calls this a “low-barrier, high-accountability” approach to helping victims of sexual exploitation and gender-based violence.

Just before Nelson’s press conference started, the US Senate passed a budget bill that will impose work requirements on Medicaid recipients, depriving millions of Americans of behavioral health care and treatment.

The state law giving cities the authority to pass public-safety sales taxes does not dictate how much has to go to police, behavioral health care, or other programs. In other words: There’s nothing in the authorizing legislation that says 100 percent of the money can’t go to behavioral health care, as opposed more spending on the police department, which already makes up an overwhelming plurality of the city’s budget. Nelson and Mayor Bruce Harrell are among the city’s most ardent proponents of police spending, so it’s unlikely that either will propose increasing the 25 percent cap in Nelson’s bill, though another city councilmember (hi, Alexis Mercedes Rinck!) could.

Asked if she had Harrell’s support for her proposal, Nelson said, “The mayor has indicated support of the principle, of the idea, and it will have to wait until we get closer to the to budget to figure out what, what the departments are proposing for reductions” before talking about how to spend the tax.

Asked if Harrell supported Nelson’s proposal, a spokesperson for the mayor said, “We’ll analyze this proposal in full when we receive it in the context of the overall budget, revenue solutions, and public safety needs.”

Seattle Nice: What’s Behind the Proposed New Business Tax?

By Erica C. Barnett

This week, we’re talking taxes—specifically, the new business and occupation (B&O) tax proposal that City Councilmember Alexis Mercedes Rinck and Mayor Bruce Harrell dropped, seemingly out of the blue, last week. The tax includes a big exemption that the business community has been seeking for a long time; however, above that threshold—$2 million in gross receipts—the tax will go up substantially.

Because B&O taxes are based on gross receipts, they hit high-grossing, low-margin businesses like restaurants and grocery stores hardest, often leading to higher prices—which is one reason they aren’t generally considered progressive. In fact, neither of the groups the city set up to come up with new progressive revenue sources recommended a higher B&O tax.

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On Monday, as I was posting the podcast, I received a poll testing messages for and against the tax measure. The Seattle Metro Chamber of Commerce is pushing the message that higher B&O taxes will drive up prices and drive larger businesses out of Seattle. “If the City continues to drive away large employers, it will create a domino effect hurting the small businesses this plan is supposed to help while also causing unemployment to rise, office vacancies to increase, and tax revenue to shrink,” one of the test messages claimed. The Chamber is also using some  dodgy math to claim that the city has more than $500 million just sitting around, up for grabs, so expect to hear that message when this thing goes to the ballot.

So what’s really behind the new proposal? The mayor’s up for reelection, facing a progressive challenge from Katie Wilson. Seattle’s facing a budget hole of $250 million even without federal cuts. And supporters of the tax measure may be gambling the Chamber won’t fight too hard against the tax, because it includes a big tax exemption that small- and medium-size businesses have been seeking for years.

With David still away gamboling in parts unnamed, Sandeep and Erica take up these questions and more on this week’s episode of Seattle Nice.

Head of Downtown Business Group Lobbied for Digital Kiosk Company; Education Levy Will Help Backfill City’s Budget Deficit

1. Under an agreement signed earlier this month, the Downtown Seattle Association will get to keep the revenues, estimated at a little over $1 million a year, from 30 digital ad kiosks that a company called IKE Smart City will soon install on downtown sidewalks. Because the agreement itself is private (the city will get no money from the deal, unless revenues exceed expectations), it’s hard to say whether the business group got a good deal or if IKE will walk away with the lion’s share of the profits.

What is clear is that the relationship between IKE and the Downtown Seattle Association is unusually close: The DSA’s board chair, Pacific Public Affairs principal Sung Yang, is a registered lobbyist for IKE. According to Yang’s filing with the city in April, he was hired by IKE, along with former deputy mayor Hyeok Kim, to lobby the city on “legislation related to Digital Kiosks.”

James Sido, the DSA’s communications director, told PubliCola that Yang “didn’t represent IKE in negotiation on DSA’s agreement with IKE. We conferred directly with Clay Collett, senior development director at Orange Barrel Media (the creators and operators of IKE kiosks).” However, it appears that Yang lobbied the city on IKE’s behalf while serving as board chair of the DSA. That puts Yang on two sides of the three-way deal, serving as a representative for the digital billboard company and the business group that will receive a share of the revenues from the billboards.

2. The city council voted to put a $1.3 billion Families, Education, Preschool, and Promise (FEPP) levy on the ballot earlier this month. If passes, the levy will increase next year from 36.5 cents per $1,000 of assessed home value to an average of 61 cents per $1,000 over the next six years, starting at 72 cents per $1,000 in 2026. That translates to a price tag of $656 a year for the median homeowner in Seattle, up from $248 under the previous, $619 million levy.

In a press release, Mayor Bruce Harrell described the levy as  “transformative,” saying it would  “make Seattle one of the best cities in the nation to start and raise a family, supporting our children from cradle, to classroom, into college and beyond toward successful careers.”

But the levy also includes significant spending—nearly $50 million a year—on programs the city was already paying for out of its general-fund budget, placing services the city has previously treated as fundamental at the mercy of voters. Generally speaking, levies are supposed to be—and are invariably sold as—additive; while the city budget pays for essential services, like fire, police, and a functioning road system, voters decide whether to tax themselves to pay for things like library expansions, sidewalks, and preschool programs.

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This year’s levy will shift funding for almost 30 programs that are currently being funded by the general fund, the JumpStart payroll tax, and the sweetened beverage tax over to the levy, amounting to a total of nearly $300 million over six years. Here are some of the existing programs for which funding will shift to the education levy to help Harrell and the council close a funding gap that’s currently estimated at $250 million over the next two years, along with their current funding sources (all numbers are six-year totals):

  • Increased Mental Health Staffing Supports (JumpStart): $42.1 million
  • Supporting Youth for Success grants, which provide preemployment skill building and mentorship (General Fund): $26 million
  • Youth and Young Adult Behavioral Health (General Fund): $12.7 million
  • Nurse Family Partnership (General Fund): $18.8 million
  • Online therapy for people between 13 and 24 (JumpStart): $24..7 million
  • Developmental Bridge, which provides services to young children with developmental delays (Sweetened Beverage Tax): $4 million
  • In-person mental health care for middle and high school students who aren’t served by school-based health centers (JumpStart): $16.7 million

A spokeswoman for Mayor Harrell, Callie Craighead, said Harrell alluded to the need to use levy dollars to fund existing programs in his levy announcement, when he said the levy would “align existing City investments in programs serving the three initiative goals through levy investments to ensure a stable funding source for years to come, maximize program coordination, and drive positive outcomes for Seattle youth.”

“The City’s latest revenue projections show an uncertain economic outlook and a reduction in multiple funding sources … that would impact important upstream investments for Seattle youth and families. Our levy renewal proposal ensures that these priorities have dedicated, consistent funding for the next six years,” Craighead said.

Already, she added, state budget reductions have forced the city’s Department of Education and Early Learning to use the current levy to fund preschool slots for the 2025 to 2026 school year. “This shows the cascading impact of reductions that we are looking to avoid by having stable funding through the levy.” It also suggests the high-level spending plan Harrell rolled out when he proposed the levy may not be what it ends up funding, and that the city could look to the levy to solve its budget problems in the future.