Category: Police

New Police Contract Includes Few Accountability Concessions In Exchange for Another Hefty Pay Increase

Police Chief Shon Barnes, flanked by Council President Sara Nelson and Mayor Bruce Harrell

In theory, the new contract allows the CARE Team to respond to more call types. In practice, it says they can’t go to homeless encampments, residences, businesses, or calls where a person is using drugs or being “confrontational.” 

By Erica C. Barnett

This morning, Mayor Bruce Harrell and Police Chief Shon Barnes announced the new police contract we reported on yesterday, including starting salaries of $118,000 for new recruits, rising to $126,000 in six months.

Sergeants’ pay will increase from a base wage of $140,000 ($146,000 after six months) to $159,000 ($167,000 after six months). After 18 months on the job, new cops and sergeants will make $132,000 and $177,000, respectively.

In 2021, the starting pay for a brand-new police officer was $83,000 a year. Last year, Harrell signed a three-year retroactive contract that raised Seattle police salaries to the highest in Washington state. Once the new round of raises go into effect, that number will have gone up by $35,000—a remarkable 42 percent pay increase in just five years. New officers also receive bonuses ranging from $7,500 for new recruits to $50,000 for officers transferring from other departments.

“This contract ensures Seattle will remain competitive with other major city police departments and adds incentives for the skills that modern policing requires,” including a 1.5 percent or 4 percent salary boost for officers with two- or four-year criminal-justice degrees, Harrell said Wednesday.

“These recruitment improvements will allow us to build a police force that reflects our community’s diversity and meets the demands of 21st century public safety with respect to accountability. This contract delivers significant account accountability reforms that address concerns raised by the accountability entities and the community, and builds on the successful resolution of the federal consent period earlier this year. ”

In fact, the contract includes just two changes related to accountability. First, it simplifies a 180-day “clock” for disciplinary decisions, removing some carveouts that have contributed to very long delays between the time when someone files a misconduct complaint and when it gets resolved.

Second, it allows sergeants, rather than the Office of Police Accountability, to determine discipline for misconduct that doesn’t rise to the level of a fireable offense. Whether this is an improvement to accountability, as opposed to a simplification of OPA’s workload, remains to be seen; the federal consent decree SPD was under until earlier this year called precinct-level discipline “admittedly ‘appalling,’ quoting an OPA supervisor), so bringing this kind of discipline back inside SPD will have good or bad consequences depending on how sergeants use this new authority.

Bob Kettle, head of the city council’s public safety committee, said bringing discipline back in-house would produce better sergeants, which would lead to “better lieutenants, captains, assistant chiefs, deputy chiefs, and maybe chiefs of the future. We have to invest in our leaders early to get the return later.”

One accountability issue the contract does not address is arbitration—an outside process police officers can use to get disciplinary decisions overturned Harrell’s chief of staff Andrew Myerberg said the two sides remain at an impasse on arbitration because the Seattle Police Officers Guild does not want to make concessions on four separate issues related to discipline.

Under the current arbitration rules, officers can  bring in new evidence and witnesses that the city hasn’t seen, and the arbitrator can use any standard of proof they want to decide whether a cop is guilty of misconduct. For example, arbitrators can require the city to present “clear and convincing” evidence that an person is guilty of misconduct that justifies the punishment they received. Arbitrators can also completely relitigate an officer’s case after the fact (known as de novo review).

Myerberg said the city couldn’t get SPOG to bend on changes to these requirements, as well as a request for a new standard saying that an arbitrator can’t overturn a disciplinary decision (such as firing) by the police chief unless the chief’s decision was “arbitrary and capricious.”

All those issues are now heading to interest arbitration between the city and SPOG, a secondary bargaining process overseen by the state Public Employee Relations Commission. If the city succeeds in placing more guardrails on arbitration, it will come at a cost—likely additional salary increases for officers in exchange for agreeing to restrictions on arbitration.

“The city had an opportunity to finally deliver on the promise of the 2017 accountability ordinance, to build a system where misconduct is investigated swiftly and discipline can stick. Unfortunately, this contract largely maintains the status quo,” Jazmyn Clark, smart justice policy program director for the ACLU-WA, said. “While some procedural clarifications are welcome, meaningful accountability reforms, especially around arbitration and disciplinary appeals, remain unresolved. Public confidence in the police cannot grow if the mechanisms for accountability are still subject to closed-door processes.”

As Harrell telegraphed earlier this year, the CARE Team, a group of social workers that currently responds alongside SPD to certain 911 calls, will be allowed to expand without restriction in the future and can respond to more types of calls, including behavioral-health calls from the public and requests for shelter and transportation from people on the streets.

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During Wednesday’s announcement—and before she had actually seen the new contract—CARE Department Chief Amy Barden said the changes would allow the CARE Team to respond to up to 47,000 calls a year.

However, the contract language actually places so many restrictions on what types of calls CARE can respond to that the true number of eligible calls is likely much lower. What’s more, the contract actually prohibits CARE from responding to exactly the kind of calls Barden has repeatedly said are more appropriate for social workers than armed police.

Under the new agreement (which CARE played no direct role in negotiating), SPD won’t allow CARE to respond to 911 calls on their own, and will instead send armed police officers, in the following circumstances:

  • If a person is anywhere besides a public space, such as a car, business, or residence;
  • If a person is in a homeless encampment, defined as four or more tents;
  • If there has been any report of “aggressive or threatening behavior towards others, destructive or confrontational behavior, or behavior posing a danger to others”;
  • If “drug paraphernalia” is present, indicating drug use;
  • If a minor is present;
  • If there is an “indication” that the person has committed any crime;
  • If the person is exhibiting “extreme behavior that might warrant investigation for a potential involuntary commitment (e.g., public nakedness accompanied by crisis.”

This list arguably covers most circumstances in which CARE might be called to respond to a person in crisis. Under these criteria, CARE can’t respond to a call about someone living in permanent supportive housing or staying in a shelter, or someone whose behavior stems from public drug use.  They can’t respond to a person in their car or who has wandered into a business, or someone who lives in a tent that’s near other tents. Barden

Many of the terms in the list are subjective, leaving it up to officers to decide whether a person is being “confrontational” or if their behavior is “extreme.” (The example given in the contract, of someone who takes their clothes off while “in crisis,” is a good reason not to let SPD decide which calls require police—people who remove their clothes in public are often using drugs that make them hot, which doesn’t on its own mean someone needs to be involuntarily committed).

The contract still has to be lawyered and approved by the city council before it can go into effect. Historically, dissent on police contracts is rare, since rejecting a contract would force the city back into negotiations—a process that, with the exception of this year’s speedy approval, typically takes years.

Those new salary figures don’t include overtime, paid at time and a half, which accounted for about 500,000 police hours in 2025. In a budget paper, the city council’s central staff noted that SPD is proposing to include less than 500,000 hours in the budget for the second year in a row; last year’s initial budget funded 489,000 hours, but the council had to amend that during the year to add 11,000 hours at a cost of $1.2 million.

The salaries also don’t include recruiting bonuses that range from $7,500 for new recruits to $50,000 for fully trained officers transferring from other departments (including Police Chief Shon Barnes, who accepted this “lateral” bonus on top of his $360,000 salary earlier this year.)

The retroactive contract the city approved last year did not include any meaningful new accountability measures, such as progress toward implementing a 2017 accountability ordinance that called for major changes in the way officers are investigated and disciplined for misconduct. At the time, supporters of the retroactive contract generally agreed that it was important to make sure officers got paid as soon as possible for the years they worked under an expired contract, and that significant new accountability measures would be part of the 2024-2027 agreement.

Because the new spending on officer salaries is retroactive to 2024, meaning that police officers will get back pay for 2024 and 2025 to bring their pay for those years up to the amounts in the new contract. Although the city sets aside reserves to pay for negotiated increases to officer pay, these increased costs become an ongoing part of the city’s budget, adding to projected deficits in the hundreds of millions of dollars starting in 2027.

 

 

New Police Contract Will Boost Starting Salaries to Almost $120,000—a 42 Percent Pay Increase in Just Five Years

SPD West Precinct

By Erica C. Barnett

City negotiators have approved a new 2024-2027 contract with the Seattle Police Officers Guild that will raise the starting salary for new police recruits to $118,000—a 13 percent boost over the current starting salary of $104,000. After six months, new officers will earn a base salary of more than $126,000, according to documents reviewed by PubliCola.

The new contract will increase officers’ pay retroactively for 2024 and 2025, plus additional increases in 2026 and 2027. Officers who were around in 2024 and 2025 will get retroactive (and cumulative) pay increases of 6 percent for 2024 and 4.1 percent for 2025, on top of a 2.7 percent increase next year. (The number for 2027 will be somewhere between 3 and 4 percent.)

Cumulatively, all those raises represent a huge increase that far outpaces the raises other city unions have negotiated for city employees over the past few years. In 2021, the starting pay for a brand-new police officer was $83,000 a year. As of 2026, that number will have gone up by $35,000—a remarkable 42 percent pay increase in just five years.

Sergeants’ pay, meanwhile, will increase from a base wage of $140,000 ($146,000 after six months) to $159,000 ($167,000 after six months). After 18 months on the job, new cops and sergeants will make $132,000 and $177,000, respectively.

Mayor Bruce Harrell is expected to announce the new contract tomorrow—an October surprise as voters decide between the mayor and his opponent, labor organizer Katie Wilson. SPOG was reportedly in a rush to get a new contract passed this year, in advance of a potential Wilson victory; Wilson has expressed her support for strong police accountability measures, including improvements to the police misconduct investigation process and the implementation of a 2017 police accountability law that has never gone into full effect.

In his announcement, Harrell will likely emphasize changes that will allow the CARE Team, a group of social workers that responds alongside SPD to certain 911 calls, to expand from 24 to 48 members and respond directly to more types of calls, a change the mayor telegraphed in September when he announced a new public safety sales tax to pay for the expansion and predicted the team would soon be allowed to go out on more calls without officers in tow.

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The mayor will also probably focus on the need for officers to earn enough to live in Seattle (which many of them do not). That was the argument for increasing police salaries by 24 percent just last year, when the city adopted a three-year retroactive contract that raised Seattle police salaries to the highest in Washington state. The new contract bumps salaries for new officers above the Seattle median, which includes people in every industry and at every stage of their careers.

Those new salary figures don’t include overtime, paid at time and a half, which accounted for about 500,000 police hours in 2025. In a budget paper, the city council’s central staff noted that SPD is proposing to include less than 500,000 hours in the budget for the second year in a row; last year’s initial budget funded 489,000 hours, but the council had to amend that during the year to add 11,000 hours at a cost of $1.2 million.

The salaries also don’t include recruiting bonuses that range from $7,500 for new recruits to $50,000 for fully trained officers transferring from other departments (including Police Chief Shon Barnes, who accepted this “lateral” bonus on top of his $360,000 salary earlier this year.)

The retroactive contract the city approved last year did not include any meaningful new accountability measures, such as progress toward implementing a 2017 accountability ordinance that called for major changes in the way officers are investigated and disciplined for misconduct. At the time, supporters of the retroactive contract generally agreed that it was important to make sure officers got paid as soon as possible for the years they worked under an expired contract, and that new accountability measures would be part of the 2024-2027 agreement.

We’ll know more about any new accountability measures once the full contract is released. However, sources familiar with the contract said the improvements are fairly minimal. For instance, the new agreement reportedly reduces the burden of proof in arbitration proceedings from “clear and convincing” (editor’s note: corrected from “beyond a reasonable doubt”) to  “preponderance of the evidence,” making it easier for the city’s Office of Police Accountability to demonstrate misconduct when an officer appeals their case to an outside arbitrator.

Because the new spending on officer salaries is retroactive to 2024, meaning that police officers will get back pay for 2024 and 2025 to bring their pay for those years up to the amounts in the new contract. Although the city sets aside reserves to pay for negotiated increases to officer pay, these increased costs become an ongoing part of the city’s budget, adding to projected deficits in the hundreds of millions of dollars starting in 2027.

The contract agreement doesn’t represent a final contract, which still has to be lawyered and approved by the city council. A majority of the city council sits on the Labor Relations Policy Committee that signed off on the agreement with SPOG, so approval is a foregone conclusion. Historically, dissent on police contracts is rare, since rejecting a contract would force the city back into negotiations—a process that, with the exception of this year’s speedy approval, typically takes years.

SPD Can’t Find Funds to Recruit Women While Spending $3 Million on Macho Ads; Affordable Housing Tax Will Pay for Police Surveillance Instead; Pro-Harrell PAC Goes Low

1. Bruce Harrell for Seattle’s Future, the business-backed political action committee headed by Harrell’s deputy mayor Tim Burgess, sent out a condescending and misleading mailer featuring a résumé that his opponent, labor leader Katie Wilson, submitted as part of an application for a city transit board more than a decade ago.

The document, which includes Wilson’s former home address as well as the address and partially visible phone number of a long-ago employer, purports to show that Wilson has no experience. Ten years ago, Wilson included jobs going back to when she was 24 years old, including a stint at Julia’s Bakery in Wallingford.

At the time she submitted the résumé to the city, Wilson had just started her role as general secretary ot the Transit Riders Union, an organization founded in 2011 to fight for better transit. Since then, as the head of TRU, Wilson led three successful campaigns for higher minimum wages, helped craft the JumpStart payroll tax as a leader of the city’s progressive revenue task force, fought for free transit passes for youth, and led campaigns for stronger renter protections in Seattle and several other cities.

You wouldn’t know that from the misleading mailer from the Burgess-led PAC, though, which doubles down on Harrell’s strategy of pretending his opponent is an ineffective know-nothing. If one were eliminate the last 10 years from Harrell’s resume, his own most recent experience would include “two-term city council member (2007-2014)” and “failed candidate for mayor” (2013).

2. The Seattle Police Department’s budget for this year includes funding for a $3.3 million, two-year advertising contract with the firm Epic Productions of Phoenix, LLC aimed at recruiting new officers through online ads through the end of 2026.

This is just the latest of several recruiting contracts the city has funded amid annual deficits in the hundreds of millions of dollars. As of this year, the city is hiring police at an unprecedented rate, according to a city council central staff analysis, a fact that almost certainly has more to do with new six-figure starting salaries than macho Youtube videos about “what gives us a rush.”

Interestingly, SPD’s budget counts those videos as part of its “30 by 30” effort to recruit more women, perhaps because there are women in the videos. The “30 by 30” initiative is a commitment by police departments to boost recruitment classes to 30 percent women by 2030 and to retain women through initiatives focused on improving police culture and meeting women’s specific needs. So far this year, SPD’s recruitment class has been less than 9 percent female.

While SPD was able to find $3 million for the Epic ads, they have not hired anyone for a position created in 2024 to oversee its 30 by 30 efforts, despite the fact that the city assumed funding for this position last year for both 2025 and 2026 would come from “salary savings that would accrue from vacant, funded civilian positions within the department.” According to a central staff memo, SPD chose instead to use this money for “civilian salary savings.”

“In response to the pessimistic revenue forecast in April, as well as threats of federal funding cuts, the Executive took immediate action to proactively prepare for significant negative impacts to the City budget. Additionally, given the unexpected increase in officer hiring, the department has had to take on an increase in expenses and has had to use the remaining civilian salary savings to balance the GF budget.”

SPD will also get nearly a million dollars from the JumpStart payroll tax to pay for live CCTV camera surveillance in the Stadium District, part of a permanent police surveillance program, and for unspecified equipment and security costs for the six FIFA World Cup games happening here next year. JumpStart was passed explicitly to pay for equitable development projects, affordable housing, and other programs to benefit low-income people and underserved communities. Last year, the council voted to remove all restrictions on the fund, allowing the city to use it as an all-purpose slush fund for any budget purpose.

Seattle Spent Thousands on “Organized Retail Theft” Operation at Marshall’s, Arresting Five and Recovering $400 in Merchandise

By Erica C. Barnett

Last week, the Seattle Police Department announced it had completed a successful “Organized Retail Theft Operation” at the Westwood Village mall in West Seattle, arresting five shoplifting suspects at “retail store … which suffers a significant amount of theft.” That retail store is Marshall’s, which, according to police, is a frequent target for shoplifting.

The merchandise police recovered, which included warm clothing such as knit caps and sweatshirts, had a total value of $406. (SPD’s post, which calculates the total as $460, does not match with the amounts catalogued in the police reports.)

In addition to the five people arrested for theft, police arrested another man on outstanding warrants and booked him into SCORE jail in Des Moines.

It’s unclear why SPD described these arrests, which occurred individually throughout the day, as “organized retail theft.” The total amount of merchandise the officers recovered was well under the legal threshold for a charge of organized retail theft under state law, which defines that term as a theft by a group of people, or by just one person, of merchandise with a total value of more than $750.

Asked why SPD considers the Marshall’s arrests an example of organized retail theft, an SPD spokesperson responded, “Charges for cases are determined by prosecutors. While we arrest individuals for probable cause of a crime, that is where the process ends for us.”

Conservatively, the operation may have cost the city upward of $10,000, between the ten officers who played direct or peripheral roles in the one-day sting and the cost of jailing several people on misdemeanor theft charges, including two who remained in jail for almost a week.

Mayor Bruce Harrell and Police Chief Shon Barnes have frequently talked about the urgent need to hire more officers in order to address violent crime and other critical public safety issues. For many years, SPD has had a program that allows security officers to apprehend shoplifters themselves and file “security incident reports,” which have the same weight as a police report, saving the department the hassle and expense of going to stores in person, arresting people, and booking them in jail.

SPD would not provide copies of the incident reports for the arrests. Instead, they provided narrative summaries from which the identity of each officer involved in the operation was redacted, while the names of all but one of the suspects—a man in a wheelchair who allegedly stole several pairs of children’s shoes and was not booked into jail—were included in the narrative.

The narrative, and the three full police reports we were able to obtain by cross-referencing other publicly available records, said, “The mission of this operation is to disrupt shoplifting, the trafficking of stolen goods, criminal activity and other criminal activity that negatively impacts the public’s quality of life in the City of Seattle.”

When we asked for the reports, a representative for SPD’s public affairs office responded, “You will have to submit a PDR [public disclosure request] for the full police reports as SPD Policy prevents me from releasing them.” In fact, SPD’s policy manual says, “Media Representatives May Obtain Copies of Police Reports Through the Public Affairs Unit,” as opposed to through the public disclosure process. We have asked SPD to explain why they appear to be violating their own policy.

The three police reports we obtained, along with the summaries of two additional cases provided by SPD, show that SPD dedicated at least 10 officers and detectives to nabbing four people for stealing small, low-value items. The merchandise SPD recovered included three pairs of children’s shoes ($26 a pair), beanies ($7 each), cologne ($10),  two sweatshirts (at $30 each, the highest-value items stolen), and a pet toy (price unknown).

At least ten officers were involved in the bust, including at least two sergeants; their salaries, according to publicly available records, range from $129,313 to $161,470, or between $62 and $78 an hour. An SPD spokesperson said it was too soon to know whether any of the officers received overtime pay for participating in the operation. During the sting, a detective sat in the security office along with Marshall’s security guards and directed officers to arrest people who appeared to be stealing, according to police reports.

The cost of arresting and jailing people isn’t minor. Booking a person into the King County Jail on misdemeanor theft charges costs the city a minimum of $665, a price that includes a one-time booking fee of $278.60 and a daily  “maintenance fee” of $386.36 for every day a person remains in jail.

Three of the four people booked at the downtown jail have been released; one served a night in jail, while the other two were there for six days and seven days, respectively. The fourth person was initially arrested for shoplifting but was booked on two felony warrants and remains in jail; the city isn’t charged for felony bookings.

Asked what the police department hoped the Marshall’s operation and similar stings would accomplish, the SPD spokesman said, “The goal  of retail theft enforcement is to encourage people to follow the law.”

 

This Week on PubliCola: October 11, 2025

Controversial cop promoted, then demoted, by new police chief, Harrell says he has a plan for addressing food deserts and potential federal troop invasion, and more.

By Erica C. Barnett

Monday, October 6

Seattle Nice: Harrell Talks Tough on Food Deserts and Homelessness

On this week’s podcast, we discussed Mayor Bruce Harrell’s proposal to ban restrictive covenants that limit the size of grocery stores and pharmacies. Harrell pitched theas one solution to the problem of “food deserts”—areas with few grocery stores (or pharmacies) where residents have to travel long distances to get basic items—but how impactful would it really be?

Tuesday, October 7

SPD Chief Puts Cop Who Called 2020 Protesters “Cockroaches” In Charge of East Precinct

Seattle Police Chief Shon Barnes quietly removed the East Precinct’s gay acting commander, Doug Raguso, and placed a newly promoted captain, Mike Tietjen, in charge. Tietjen was at the center of two high-profile incidents during protests against police violence in 2020, including one in which he was reprimanded for failing to report fellow officers for harassing a trans woman while he was in the car.

Wednesday, October 8

Three Key Questions to Save Our Light Rail Future

In a guest op/ed, King County Councilmember Claudia Balducci made the case for considering a light rail alternative that would reduce the cost of the over-budget Ballard-to-West-Seattle light rail extension by running all three rail lines through the existing downtown tunnel, rather than digging an entirely new one.

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Harrell Says SPD Will Stand Strong Against Federal Invasion; SPD Promotes Former Deputy Chief Who Said Aurora Sex Workers “Enjoy It”

Two stories in Wednesday’s Afternoon Fizz: First, Mayor Bruce Harrell introduced two executive orders that, he said, will help protect Seattle against federal troops by banning face masks and training police and city employees on how to respond to ICE. Also, the SPD promotions Barnes announced internally last month include a new captain whose controversial remarks about sex workers were one of the reasons he was demoted in 2019.

Thursday, October 9

Reversing Decision, SPD Removes Controversial Captain Tietjen from East Precinct

Two days after PubliCola exclusively reported that Seattle Police Chief Shon Barnes had promoted controversial police lieutenant Michael Tietjen to captain and put him in charge of Capitol Hill’s East Precinct, Barnes announced internally that he was removing Tietjen and appointing a new commander for the precinct. In his email to command staff, Barnes blamed others for the decision.

Friday, October 10

Banishment Orders and Mandatory Addiction Assessments Haven’t Helped Drug Users, Court Records Show

A recent review of court records showed that two people have been jailed, so far, for violating orders to “stay out” of designated “drug areas.” The city’s new drug diversion alternative, implemented by City Attorney Ann Davison, does not include mandatory services, and a recent review by the county public defender’s office showed that almost no one who used this alternative ended up in treatment.

Reversing Decision, SPD Removes Controversial Captain Tietjen from East Precinct

Seattle Police Chief Shon Barnes (l) and Michael Tietjen (center) pose during a celebration of Tietjen’s promotion to captain of Capitol Hill’s East Precinct

By Erica C. Barnett

Two days after PubliCola exclusively reported that  Seattle Police Chief Shon Barnes had promoted controversial police lieutenant Michael Tietjen to captain and put him in charge of Capitol Hill’s East Precinct, Barnes announced internally that he was removing Tietjen and appointing a new commander for the precinct.

In an internal email to SPD command staff, Barnes blamed our article for “leading to a crisis of confidence among our LGBTQIA+ community members” and said his decision stemmed from “internal leaks” and “a lack of comprehensive input from those involved in employee assignments” for his decision to remove Tietjen.

Tietjen became infamous during the 2020 protests against police violence after he drove his unmarked SUV onto a sidewalk full of people and, when they scattered, referred to them as “cockroaches.” His punishment in that case was being reassigned to a different precinct. Tietjen was suspended without pay for another protest-related incident, in which he shoved a person who was trying to render aid to a demonstrator blinded by tear gas into a bus stop, slamming the man’s head into the structure.

That same summer, Tietjen was reprimanded for failing to act when he was in an SUV full of police who allegedly harassed a trans woman, asking her if she “had a dick under” her skirt. Tiejten has a child who is part of the LGBTQ+ community, from whom he is estranged.

In the email, Barnes blamed “internal leaks within our department” as well as PubliCola’s article for creating “unease” that forced his hand.

Among the immediate concerns is a recent article that has raised unease within the East Precinct, leading to a crisis of confidence among our LGBTQIA+ community members. This situation has prompted several community partners to withdraw their support. To address this, I will be reassigning our East Precinct Commander and appointing a new leader to help restore our community engagement efforts. This decision stems from a lack of comprehensive input from those involved in employee assignments and internal leaks within our department. My priority is to always restore trust within our community.

Far from resulting from “leaks,” Barnes’ decision reportedly received massive internal and external pushback after PubliCola reported it. Mayor Bruce Harrell’s office reportedly did not support Tietjen’s appointment and may have been blindsided by the decision.

Mayor Bruce Harrell’s office did not respond to a request for comment.

At a recent debate, Harrell, who is seeking a second term, called Barnes a “superstar” who could “work for any department in this country”.  “[He’s] a PhD, he’s a Marine, he’s smart, and he has a great command team,” Harrell said of Barnes.

After this article ran, SPD provided the following statement:

This summer, SPD proudly continued to build support and collaboration across the community of Seattle through extensive neighborhood meetings and district public safety forums.

After a recent standard promotion process where we promoted several highly qualified candidates, we received additional information and feedback that had not been previously surfaced. As Mayor Harrell has said, we are a learning organization, and the SPD executive team took this as an opportunity to improve the process. Moving forward, promotional decisions will feature a full review of the person’s history to ensure we place the right candidate in the right position. As a department, we are committed to bolstering relationships throughout Seattle and continuous improvement.

Joel Merkel, the co-chair of the Community Police Commission, told PubliCola after our story came out that promoting Tietjen to head up the East Precinct raised concerns about Chief Barnes’  “knowledge and insight into SPD’s history history and dynamics … particularly as we’re trying to change the culture of SPD.”

We’ve reached out to SPD for comment.

Barnes’ letter went on to say that if SPD leaders aren’t “aligned with” the department’s strategy toward “human trafficking along the Aurora Street corridor.”” they should “have an open conversation with me or consider their place within our department.”

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PubliCola reported yesterday on the promotion of Marc Garth Green, a former deputy chief who was demoted by former chief Carmen Best after he made insensitive comments about sex workers on Aurora Ave. N in 2019, saying that many of them “liked” being out there. Garth Green was defending a policy SPD had at the time of arresting sex workers, rather than focusing on buyers. Currently, SPD uses elaborate sting operations to catch men trying to pay for sex, a misdemeanor; these operations, which require special training and can involve as many as 20 officers, have long been a staple of SPD’s response to street sex work.

SPD’s “ongoing initiative to combat human trafficking along the Aurora Street corridor has faced internal resistance,” Barnes wrote. “I want to reiterate that both I and the mayor’s office fully support this program. Leadership sometimes involves taking risks, and I firmly believe that proactive measures are necessary, even in the face of opposition. Those who are not aligned with this mission are encouraged to have an open conversation with me or consider their place within our department.”

Barnes also noted that there has been “scrutiny regarding the sharing of public records with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE),” a reference to independent journalist Glen Stellmacher’s story alleging that SPD expedites public disclosure requests from ICE while using delay tactics like “grouping” to delay records requests from citizens and journalists. Under this policy, SPD takes multiple requests from the same requester or media outlet and “groups” them all into one single mega-request, responding to individual requests one at a time in full before moving on to the next one.

“While we are still clarifying the specifics of this situation, please prepare for potential media coverage that may highlight our actions without complete context,” Barnes wrote. “Our focus will be on ensuring transparency and working closely with the mayor’s office on a response, given the sensitivity surrounding immigration issues in our city.”

This is a developing story and will be updated.