By Erica C. Barnett

Mainstream media outlets and many Seattle City Councilmembers have expressed outrage over Mayor Katie Wilson’s decision to remove Shon Barnes as police chief after he confronted a reporter who asked him about my stories on Barnes’ frequent absences from Seattle. (Barnes, as I reported in 2025, rented an apartment here and regularly visited his family home in Chicago; he also attended frequent conferences, like the one he was attending when shooting broke out at Seattle Center on Sunday, July 26).

Critics have overwhelmingly suggested that Wilson made the decision to remove Barnes rashly, with no real justification other than his outsize reaction to the South Connor Nash’s question and the fact that he spends time out of town. A typical complaint came from the editorial board of the Seattle Times, which insinuated that Wilson fired the chief to create a “distraction” to hide her own incompetence, and not for any actual reason.

Wilson, as I pointed out on Seattle Nice last week, signed a binding settlement with Barnes (he got a total of $700,000) that almost certainly includes a mutual nondisparagement clause that prevents her from saying exactly why she asked him to resign. But Barnes was only police chief for 19 months, so the current collective shortsightedness about the controversies that arose during his tenure feels almost deliberate.

When Wilson came into office, Barnes’ future at SPD was very much in doubt, and questions about his performance as chief had not receded in the seven months since Wilson took office. But for those with short memories, here are just a few of the issues that had been swirling around Barnes prior to last week’s events.

No girls allowed: Although Barnes’ supporters touted the high percentage of female oficers at the department where he was previously chief, in Madison, WI, skeptics noted that the progress happened mostly before he took over. Under Barnes, SPD’s progress toward the “30 by 30” goal of having a 30 percent female recruit class by 2030 has stalled and even reversed.

In April 2025, for example, SPD had only managed to hire five women, compared to a total of 12 women in 2024. By the end of the year, the department had added just 12 more women to that total. Women accounted for just 10 percent of new police hires in 2026, a year when SPD spent millions of dollars on a macho ad campaign featuring burly, tattooed men fighting in a ring, male cops racing around on motorcycles and boats, and men busting down doors, SCUBA diving, and defusing bombs. The toxic culture at SPD preceded Barnes, but it persisted, and may have gotten worse, during his brief time in Seattle.

Anti-LGBTQ accusations: Not long after taking over the department, Barnes oversaw a dramatic crackdown on nude sunbathers at Denny-Blaine Park, a historic LGBTQ+friendly nude beach that former mayor Harrell previously tried to shut down by siting a playground there. (The planned children’s play area would have been funded by a wealthy neighbor and Harrell donor who has continued to campaign relentlessly against the people who use the beach.)

In a later tort claim, it would come out that Barnes’ chief of staff Alex Ricketts allegedly responded “we’re not here for the gays” when a top staffer raised concerns about the chief’s apparent indifference to Seattle’s LGBTQ+ residents.

Barnes also passed over a gay lieutenant who was a fixture in the Capitol Hill community and had been serving as acting captain of the East Precinct, Doug Raguso, in favor of an infamous officer named Mike Tietjen.

Tietjen’s name was synonymous with his misconduct during the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests in the neighborhood, when he drove his SUV onto a sidewalk full of protesters, likening them to “cockroaches” as they ran out of his path. Tietjen was also disciplined for an incident that same year, in which he was among a group of officers who harassed a trans woman, asking if she “had a dick under” her skirt.

When PubliCola broke the news about Tietjen’s promotion and Raguso’s reassignment, Barnes launched an internal search to find out who had “leaked” the information, which was posted on SPD’s own social media. Barnes eventually replaced Tietjen—not with Raguso, but with Jim Britt, another straight white man. Raguso was reassigned to the department’s Real-Time Crime Center.

Under Barnes, SPD also badly blundered its response to a pro-LGBTQ counter-protest at an anti-trans event by a religious-right group at Cal Anderson Park on Capitol Hill. Instead of maintaining a distance (as they did at the much larger No Kings protests), police pepper-sprayed, tackled, and arrested counter-protesters, behaving—as a subsequent review by the city’s Office of Inspector General concluded—like security for the religious group, even referring to counter-protesters as “transtifa.”

SPD officers repeated the performance during a second event by the same group at City Hall, blocking off access to the public plaza to everyone except the anti-trans activist group and escorting the activists from place to place. At the same time, police on bikes mobilized repeatedly against a small group of counterprotesters, using their bikes as weapons and shields.

Discrimination lawsuits: Raguso, the former East Precinct acting captain, and detective Anna Fishel filed discrimination claims against SPD earlier this year, alleging the department denied them promotions because of their sexual orientations and, in Fishel’s case, her gender. Fishel, who had a young child, was the only woman up for promotion to sergeant; in her claim, she said Barnes refused to promote her in place and instead offered her an overnight shift she couldn’t take because she needed to be home with her daughter. The position went to a straight man.

An earlier tort claim, from two department veterans Barnes fired in 2025, also accused Barnes of retaliation and discrimination. Barnes fired Brian Maxey, the department’s chief operating officer, and Rebecca Boatright, SPD’s general counsel, after the two disagreed with some of his decisions, including an initiative to send embarrassing letters to men the department suspected of paying women for sex on Aurora. Barnes replaced Maxey with Sarah Smith, a staffer with a slim resume who had risen through the ranks at Harrell’s office.

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Alternative response stymied: Before Barnes came on board, the Seattle Police Officers Guild negotiated a generous contract with Harrell and the City Council that—in addition to giving officers huge raises—put limits on the ability of the CARE Team, a group of social workers that is supposed to respond to crisis calls that don’t require an armed response, to do its job. The restrictions prevent CARE from responding at homeless encampments, residences, businesses, or to calls where a person is using drugs or being “confrontational.”

The CARE Team has been expanded repeatedly, but can’t be dispatched even in situations where the contract’s restraints don’t apply unless a police sergeant agrees to let them go to a call.

Despite these restrictions, CARE Department Chief Amy Barden hoped to negotiate some wiggle room with Barnes that would allow her team to respond to 911 calls involving people in crisis. Instead, she said earlier this year, the constraints actually tightened under Barnes, to the point where CARE was told it couldn’t respond to someone having a mental health crisis in a QFC parking lot, because the person was technically on private property. The team has also been prohibited from responding to calls where a child is present, which Barnes said has resulted in a gender disparity in the team’s responses, since women are more likely to be accompanied by their kids.

Barnes appeared at times to reject the entire concept of allowing social workers to respond to mental health crisis calls, suggesting that every type of 911 call can easily escalate into violence. This contradicts national research showing that most 911 calls do not involve any crime and could be handled by someone other than a police officer. It’s also contrary to the city’s own policies on unarmed first response.

“I’ve been to calls before where it was ‘dementia,’ but when I got there, there was a gun stuck in my stomach,” Barnes said. “So it is unpredictable. … Just because we have a badge and a gun doesn’t mean that we should be relegated to certain types of calls.”

Bloated staff, big bonuses: As I reported exclusively last year, Barnes and two of his new chiefs, deputy chief (and now interim police chief) Andre Sayles and assistant chief Nicole Powell, took $50,000 bonuses that were created explicitly to recruit more trained rank-and-file police officers during a staffing shortage.

This $150,000 payout was on top of the $3,000 Barnes and his other deputy chief, Yvonne Underwood, took after Barnes hired new executive staff. Barnes got two $1,000 payouts for hiring Powell and Sayles, while Underwood got $1,000 for Sayles. These bonuses, like the $50,000 “lateral” hiring incentives, were explicitly created for SPD employees to recruit new rank-and-file police officers.

Sayles and Powell were just two of several new executive hires Barnes made when he started, expanding SPD’s command staff substantially at an additional ongoing cost of more than $1,000,000 a year. Those new positions included a second deputy chief (Sayles), a new executive director of crime and community harm reduction (Lee Hunt), a chief communications officer (Barbara DeLollis, and a chief of staff (Alex Ricketts). Ricketts, Hunt, and Sayles had worked with Barnes previously.

Ricketts was the only one of Barnes’ new executive hires that technically counted as a replacement; previous chief Adrian Diaz, who was appointed and fired by Harrell, appointed Jamie Tompkins to a job with the same title, but she was the first SPD chief of staff since 2001.

Barnes’ top staff got top perks to go with their top salaries, which in most cases topped $300,000. Hunt, for instance, got at least one month’s free stay at the four-star Arctic Club Hotel in downtown Seattle, at a cost of more than $6,000, while he looked for a place to live. And Barnes himself got a $60,000 relocation bonus to move to Seattle. As we’ve reported, Barnes kept an apartment here while he traveled back and forth to his permanent home in Chicago; under his settlement, he gets to keep that money.

Policy by buzzword: Barnes frequently touted two ideas he claimed were innovations, and featured them in his PowerPoint presentations to community meetings that were mostly attended by SPD and city staff. Both ideas faced criticism inside and outside the department as not particularly innovative or unique. “Stratfied policing”  consisted of focusing on crime “hot spots” and focusing higher-ranked officers on more serious crimes, and “Seattle-centric policing” seemed to involve working with communities to come up with solutions to crime.

Although Barnes’ defenders have given him credit for reducing crime and recruiting more police to the city, both those trends are explained by other factors. Crime of all kinds is down in cities nationwide compared to the relative highs of the pandemic, so it’s unsurprising that Seattle’s crime rate has followed the national trend. And hiring spiked as soon as the police guild signed a new contract that guarantees brand-new officers a minimum salary of $126,000 after a six-month training period.

And, OK, all that travel: Not only did Barnes’ defenders treat Wilson’s decision as an out-of-nowhere shock, they also made light of his travel, even misrepresenting his time out of town as no different than that of previous police chiefs. On KUOW’s “Week In Review” last Friday, KIRO’s Angela Poe Russell and KUOW editor/reporter Catherine Smith ripped my coverage, calling me an “influencer” who “hung out a shingle” and called myself a “news person” (Poe) and asserting, “”It’s not quite fair to criticize him for that when other chiefs travel like that.” (Smith).

Smith’s co-bylined story said that according to an SPD spokesman, “Barnes’ level of travel is consistent with past chiefs of police.” Since that contradicted all of my own current and past reporting on the subject, I contacted the same spokesman. He told me he told KUOW that all police chiefs go to conferences held by groups like the International Association of Chiefs of Police, but that he never said Barnes’ overall travel, including his trips home to Chicago, was typical. That’s because it isn’t: While other police chiefs went to conferences, too, Barnes traveled more. For example, Barnes was out of town nearly 40 percent of the time during the 17 weeks for which SPD provided his schedule.